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\L   PORTRAIT    (IALLERY, 

I'uir  -'My. 


COPYRIGHT        I892. 

JAMES  T.  WHITE  &CO.    PUBLISHERS 


CENTS 

TRAO&  AGEN 


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THE   NATIONAL  CYCLOPAEDIA  OF  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY. 

PROMINENT  CONTRIBUTORS  AND  REVISERS. 


Abbott,  Lyman,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Pastor  of  Plymouth  Church, 

and  Editor  of|'L  The  Christian  Union." 
Adams.  Charles  Follen,  Author  of  "  Dialect  Ballads." 
Adams,  Charles  Kendall,  LL.  D.,  President  of  Cornell  Uni 
versity. 

Alexander,  Hon.  E  .P.,  Ex-General  Southern  Confederacy. 
Alger,  Kev.  William  Bounseville,  Author. 
Andrews,  Elisha  B.,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  President  of  Brown  Uni 
versity. 

Armstrong,  General  Samnel  C-,  Principal  of  Hampton  In 
stitute. 

Ballantine,  Win.  G.,  D.  D.,  President  Oberlin  College. 
Baird,  Henry  Martyn,  University  City  of  New  York. 
Bartlett,  Samuel  C.,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  President  of  Dartmouth 

College. 

Battle,  Hon.  Kemp  P.,  late  President  of  University  of  N.  C. 
Blake,  Lillie  Devereaux,  Author. 
Bolton,  Sarah  Knowles,  Author. 
Bowker,  R.  R.,  Writer  and  Economist. 

Brainard,  Ezra,  LL.  D.,  President  of  Middlebury  College,Vt. 
Brean,  Hon.  Joseph  A.,  Supt.  Public  Instruction,  Louisiana. 
Brooks,  Noah,  Journalist  and  Author. 
Brown,  John  Henry,  Historical  Writer. 
Brown,  Colonel  John  Mason,  Author  "  History  of  Kentucky." 
Burr,  A.  E.,  Editor  "  Hartford  Times." 
Burroughs,  John,  Author. 

Candler,  W.  A.,  D.  D.,  President  Emory  College,  Ga. 

Capen,  Elmer  H.,  D.  D.,  President  Tufts  College. 

Carter,  Fraaklin,  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D.,  President  Williams  College. 

Cattell,  William  C.,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Ex-president  Lafayette 
College. 

Clapp,  W.  W.,  formerly  Editor  "Boston  Journal." 

Clarke,  Richard  H.,  LL.  D.,  President  New  York  Catholic 
Protectory. 

Coan,  Titus  Munson,  M.  D.,  Author. 

Cooley,  Hon.  Thomas  M.,  LL.  D.,  President  Interstate  Com 
merce  Commission. 

Cravatt,  E,  M.,  D.  D.,  President  Fisk  University. 

Crawford,  Edward  F.,  Staff  "  New  York  Tribune." 

Curtis,  George  Ticknor,  LL.  D.,  Author  and  Jurist. 

Deming,  Clarence,  Author. 

De  Peyster,  General  J.  Watts,  Historian. 

Dix,  Morgan,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Rector  Trinty  Church. 

Dreher,  Julius  D.,  Ph.  D.,  President  Roanoke  College. 

Donnelly,  Hon.  Ignatius,  Author. 

Douglass,  Hon.  Frederick  W. 

Dudley,  Richard  M.,  D.  D.,  Pres.  Georgetown  College,  Ky. 

Dunlap,  Joseph  R.,  Editor  "  Chicago  Times." 

Durrett,  Colonel  £.  T.,  Historian  of  the  West. 

D  wight,  Timothy,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  President  Yale  University. 

Eagle,  James  P.,  Governor  of  Arkansas. 

Eggleston,  George  Gary,  Author  and  Editor. 

Eliot,  Charles  W.,  LL.  D.,  President  Harvard  University. 

Fetteroff,  A.  H.,  LL.  D.,  Ph.  D.,  President  Girard  College. 

Field,  Henry  Martyn,  D.  D.,  Editor  "  New  York  Evangelist." 

Fisher,  Hon.  George  P.,  1st  Auditor  of  U.  S.  Treasury. 

Fisher,  Geo.  Park,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Prof,  of  Divinity  Yale  Univ. 

Gates,  Merrill  E.,  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D.,  President  Amherst  College. 

Gilman,  Daniel  C.,  LL.  D.,  President  Johns  Hopkins  College. 

Greeley,  General  A.  W.,  U.  S.  Signal  Service  and  Explorer. 

Hadley,  Arthur  T.,  M.  A.,  Professor  Yale  University. 

Hale,  Edward  Everett,  S.  T.  D.,  Author. 

Hamm,  Mile.  Margherita  A.,  Journalist. 

Hammond,  J.  D.,  D.  D.,  President  Central  College. 

Harding,  W.  G.,  Editor  "  Philadelphia  Enquirer." 

Harper,  W.  R.,  President  University  of  Chicago, 

Harris,  Joel  Chandler  (Uncle  Remus),  Author. 

Harris,  Hon.  William  T.,  U.  S.  Com.  of  Education. 

Hart,  Pamuel,  D.  D.,  Professor  Trinity  College. 
Haskins,  Charles  H.,  Professor  University  of  Wisconsin. 

Higginson,  Colonel  Thomas  Wentworth,  Author. 
Hurst,  John  F.,  D.  D.,  Bishop  of  the  M.  E.  Church. 
Hutchins,  Stilson,  Editor  "  Washington  Post." 
Hyde,  Wm.  De  Witt,  D.  D.,  President  Bowdoin  College. 

I.; v,    rv,11onr«, 


Jackson,  James  McCauley,  Author  and  Editor. 

Johnson,  Oliver,  Author  and  Editor. 

Johnson,  R.  Underwood,  Assistant  Editor  of  "  Century  " 

Kell,  Thomas,  President  St.  John  College. 

Kennan,  George,  Russian  Traveler. 

Kimball,  Richard  B.,  LL.  D.,  Author. 

Kingsley,  William  L.,  LL.  D.,  Editor  of  the  "  New  Englander 

and  Yale  Review." 

Kip,  Rt  Rev.  William  Ingraham,  Bishop  of  California. 
Kirkland,  Major  Joseph, Literary  Editor  "  Chicago  Tribune." 
Knox,  Thomas  W.,  Author  and  Traveler. 
Lamb,  Martha  J.,  Editor  "  Magazine  of  American  History." 
Langford,  Laura  C.  Holloway,  Editor  and  Historical  Writer. 
Le  Conte,  Joseph,  Professor  in  University  of  California. 
Lindsley,  J.  Berrien,  M.  D.,  State  Board  of  Health  of  Tenn. 
Lockwood,  Mrs.  Mary  S.,  Historical  Writer. 
Lodge,  Hon.  Henry  Cabot,  Author. 
Longfellow,  Rev.  Samuel,  Author. 
MacCracken,  H.  M.,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Chancellor  of  Universitv 

of  the  City  of  New  York. 

McClure,  Col.  Alexander  K.,  Editor  "Philadelphia  Times." 
McCray,  D.  0.,  Historical  Writer. 

McElroy,  George  B.,  D.  D.,  Ph.  D.,  F.  S.,  Pres.  Adrian  College 
Mcllwaine,  Richard,  D.  D.,  Pres.  Hampden-Sidney  College. 
McKnight,  Rev.  H.  W.,  D.  D.,  Pres.  Pennsylvania  College. 
Morse,  John  T.,  Jr.,  Author  "  Life  of  John  Adams,"  etc. 
Newton,  Richard  Heber,  D.  D.,  Clergyman  and  Author. 
Nicholls,  Miss  B.  B.,  Biographical  and  Historical  Writer. 
Northrup,  Cyrus,  LL.  D.,  Pres.  University  of  Minnesota. 
Olson,  Julius  E.,  Professor  University  of  Wisconsin. 
Packard,  Alpheus  S.,  Professor  Brown  University. 
Page,  Thomas  Nelson,  Author. 
Parton,  James,  Author. 

Patton,  Francis  L.,  D.  D.,LL.  D.,  Pres.  Princeton  College. 
Peabody,  Andrew  P.,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Harvard  University. 
Pepper,  Wm.,  M.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Pres.  University  of  Pennsylvania". 
Porter,  Noah,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Ex-president  of  Yale  University 
Potter,  Eliphalet  N.,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Pres.  Hobart  College. 
Powderly,  T.  V.,  Master  Workman,  Knights  of  Labor. 
Prime,  Edward  D.  G.,  D.  D.,  Editor  "New  York  Observer." 
Prince,'  L.  Bradford,  Governor  New  Mexico. 
Purinton,  D.  B.,  LL.  D.,  President  Denison  College. 
Ryder,  Rev.  Charles  J.,  Sec'y  of  American  Missionary  So. 
Schaff,  Philip,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Author. 
Sharpless,  Isaac,  Sc.  D.,  President  Haverford  College. 
Scott,  W.  T.,  D.  D.,  President  Franklin  College. 
Shearer,  Rev.  J.  B.,  D.  D.,  President  Davidson  College,  N.  C 
Small,  Albion  W.,  Ph.  D.,  President  Colby  University. 
Smith,  Charles  H.  (Bill  Arp),  Author. 
Smith,  Geo.  Williamson,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  President  Trinity 

College. 

Smith,  Wm.  W.,  LL.  D.,  Pres.  Randolph-Macon  College. 
Snow,  Louis  Franklin,  Professor  Brown  University. 
Stockton,  Frank  R.,  Author. 

S umner,  Wm.  G.,  Professor  Political  Economy,  Yale. 
Super,  Chas.  W.,  A.  M.,  Ph.  D.,  President  Ohio  University 
Swank,  James  W.,  Secretary  American  Iron  and  Steel  Asso. 
Tanner,  Edward  A.,  D.  D.,  President  Illinois  College. 
Taylor,  James  M.,  D.  D.,  President  Vassar  College. 
Thurston,  Robert  H.,  Director  Sibley  College. 
Thwing,  Chas.  F.,  D.  D.,  Pres.  Western  Reserve  University 
Tuttle,  Herbert,  LL.  D.,  Professor  Cornell  University. 
Tyler,  Lyon  G.,  President  College  of  William  and  Mary. 
Venable,  W.  H.,  LL.  D.,  Author.  t 

Walworth,  Jeannette  H.,  Author. 

Warren,  Wm.  F.,  S.  T.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Pres.  Boston  University 
Watterson,  Henry,  Editor  "  Louisville  Courier-Journal." 
Webb,  General  Alexander  S.,  LL.  D.,  President  University 

of  the  City  of  New  York. 
Weidemeyer,  John  Wm.,  Historical  Writer. 
Wheeler,  David  H.,  D.  D.,  President  Alleghany  College. 
Winchell,  Alexander,  late  Professor  University  of  Michigan. 
Wise,  John  S.,  Ex-Congressman  from  Virginia. 
Wright,  Marcus  J.,  Historian  and  Custodian  of  Confederate 

Records  in  U.  S.  War  Dept. 


THE  NATIONAL  PORTRAIT  GALLERY. 


National  portrait  ©alien) 


Vol.  I. 


SEPTEMBER,  1892.          No.  2. 


JAMES  T.  WHITE  &  CO.,  Publishers. 
5  and  7  East  16th  St.,  New  York  City. 

JOHN  HOWARD  BROWN,  Editor. 


SINGLE  COPIES,  1O  Cents; 

YEARLY  SUBSCRIPTION,  $1.00. 

THE  AMERICAN  NEWS  COMPANY,  TRADE  AGENTS. 

PROSPECTUS. 

The  design  of  THE  NATIONAL,  PORTRAIT  GAL 
LERY  is  to  afford  to  the  reading  public  in  a  popular 
form  and  readily  accessible,  such  portions  of  the 
proposed  work,  THE  NATIONAL  CYCLOPAEDIA  OF 
AMERICAN  BIOGRAPHY,  as  may  from  time  to  time 
be  of  national  or  local  importance.  Without  such  a 
medium  of  conveyance  the  matter  accumulating  in 
the  hands  of-the  editors  is  debarred  from  the  public 
for  years,  and  much  of  the  purpose  of  preparation 
defeated  by  the  delay.  The  growth  of  this  country 
has  been  so  rapid,  and  the  new  men  claiming  recog 
nition  so  frequently  appearing,  that  no  voluminous 
cyclopaedia  of  biography  can,  unless  aided  by  such 
a  periodical  adjunct  as*  THE  NATIONAL  PORTRAIT 
GALLERY,  give  timely  information  to  the  public  of 
such  appearance.  The  great  work  heralded  by  this 
monthly  issue  will  lose  none  of  its  value  by  reason 
of  it,  and  the  twelve  handsome  volumes  in  which  it 
will  finally  appear  will  be  none  the  less  welcome  be 
cause  some  of  its  pages  have  been  here  reproduced. 
Then,  in  a  work  so  large  and  necessarily  expensive, 
there  are  thousands  of  families  that  would  never 
see  even  a  few  pages  unless  through  this  popular 
form. 

The  importance  of  presenting  to  the  world  truth 
ful  likenesses  and  biographies  of  men  who  have  and 
are  helping  on  the  progress  of  our  nation  is  unques 
tioned.  In  such  a  work  is  transmitted  to  posterity 
the  memory  of  persons  of  the  present  day  as  well  as 
those  of  the  recent  past.  These  memoirs  will  instill 
in  the  minds  of  our  children  the  important  lesson 
that  honor  and  station  are  the  same  sure  reward  of 
continued  exertion,  and  that,  compared  to  a  good 
education,  with  habits  of  honest  industry  and  econ 
omy,  the  greatest  fortune  would  be  but  a  poor  in 
heritance.  While  the  work  contains  the  names  of 
many  who  have  enjoyed  every  advantage  which 
affluence  and  early  education  can  bestow,  it  also 
traces  the  history  of  thousands  who,  by  their  own 
unaided  efforts,  have  risen  from  obscurity  to  the 
highest  and  most  responsible  trusts  in  the  land. 

The  value  of  the  biography  of  men  of  the  present 
day,  as  a  study  for  the  young,  has  never  been  fully 
appreciated.  The  tendency  in  the  past  has  been  to 
direct  our  youth  to  the  lives  of  Plutarch,  rather  than 
the  achievements  of  men  of  our  own  time.  The  im 
parting  of  moral  force  which  is  the  peculiar  advan 
tage  of  the  study  of  biography,  is  lost  by  the  purely 
ideal  aspect  in  which  the  youthful  imagination  con 
templates  a  Grecian  sage  or  a  Roman  hero.  The 
spheres  of  distinction  in  which  they  were  illustrious, 
were  so  different  from  those  to  which  men  are  now 
attracted,  that  very  little  of  wholesome  incentive  or 
needed  encouragement  can  be  derived  from  them. 
Great  antiquity,  far-off  distance  of  time,  invests  the 


character  of  even  a  common  mind  with  a  glory 
beautiful  as  a  picture,  but  in  no  way  encouraging  a"s 
an  example.  We  behold  them  to  admire,  not  to 
imitate.  Therefore,  in  full  harmony  with  the  spirit 
of  the  age  as  well  as  the  wants  of  our  nature,  we 
are  gratified  to  see  the  growing  tendency  toward  the 
study  of  contemporaneous  biography,  not  confined 
to  a  few  individuals  famous  in  chosen  walks  of  life, 
but  to  those  in  every  department  of  activity  in 
which  the  human  mind  has  usefully  and  honorably 
exerted  itself.  Every  pursuit  furnishes  successful 
examples  as  encouragement  to  the  young.  Very 
many  men  have  passed  their  lives  in  obscurity  and 
want  by  reason  of  the  unfavorable  circumstances  by 
which  their  youth  was  environed;  they  growing  up 
under  a  vague  but  general  impression  that  eminence 
was  unattainable,  and  hence  they  formed  no  fixed 
purpose  to  attain  it.  No  better  means  of  dissipating 
this  delusion,  rousing  the  minds  of  young  men  and 
lads  to  high  and  noble  aims,  and  stimulating  them 
to  the  achievement  of  such  aims,  can  be  adopted 
than  holding  before  them  the  example  and  history 
of  others  who  have  pushed  their  way  to  honor, 
wealth  and  influence,  from  amid  circumstances  as 
discouraging  as  their  own.  The  success  of  others 
gives  us  confidence  in  ourselves.  What  they  have 
done  we  may  do,  and  thus  the  example  of  those 
who  have  successfully  trodden  any  of  the  diversified 
paths  of  life,  becomes  the  mental  heritage  of  every 
aspiring  spirit.  It  is  the  capital  which  plumes  the 
pinions  of  hope — the  stock  in  trade  which  gives  con 
fidence  to  the  mind,  when  failure  might  else  point 
to  despair.  There  are  numerous  memoirs  in  this 
collection  illustrative  of  these  truths. 

Another  feature  of  this  work  no  less  valuable  is 
the  multiplication  of  portraits  by  engraving.  From 
these  we  derive  extended  information  and  delight; 
they  inculcate  the  rudiments  of  taste,  aid  its  progress, 
and  rescue  from  the  hand  of  time  and  multiply  the 
perishable  monuments  of  the  pencil  and  photographic 
art.  While  the  study  of  biography  is  perhaps  the 
more  agreeable  branch  of  historic  literature  and  is 
certainly  the  more  useful  in  its  moral  effects — stating 
the  known  circmnstances  and  endeavoring  to  unfold 
the  secret  motives  of  human  conduct;  selecting  all 
that  is  worthy  of  being  recorded;  at  once  informing 
and  invigorating  the  mind;  warming  and  winning 
the  heart —still  it  is  from  the  combination  of  portrait 
and  biography  that  we  reap  the  utmost  degree  of 
utility  and  pleasure.  As,  in  contemplating  the  por 
trait  of  a  person,  we  long  to  be  instructed  in  his  his 
tory,  so,  in  considering  his  actions  we  are  anxious  to 
look  upon  his  face.  So  earnest  is  this  desire,  that 
the  imagination  is  ready  to  coin  a  set  of  features  or 
to  conceive  a  character  to  supply  the  painful  ab 
sence  of  one  or  the  other.  It  is  impossible  to  im 
agine  a  work  which  ought  to  be  more  interesting 
than  one  which  will  exhibit  before  our  progeny 
their  fathers  as  they  lived,  accompanied  with  such 
memoirs  of  their  lives  and  characters  as  shall  furnish 
a  comparison  of  persons  and  countenances  with  sen 
timents  and  actions.  It  is  given  to  such  a  work  as 
this  to  carry  out  such  an  end,  and  if  we  are  aided, 
as  we  hope  to  be,  by  the  earnest  co-operation  of 
those  who  have  material  at  hand  which  will  supply 
either  portrait  or  memoir  or  both,  we  will  rescue 
from  oblivion  and  place  on  an  imperishable  monu 
ment  the  record  of  character  and  achievement,  as 
well  as  the  outline  of  face  and  presence  of  many 
notable  personages  who  have  not  only  benefited  the 
world  by  living  useful  lives,  but  whose  records  thus 
preserved  will  inspire  others  to  win  their  way  to 
success. 


TVX 


CLEVELAND'S  ADMINISTRATION. 


WITH 


PORTRAITS  OF   THE   PRESIDENTIAL 
CANDIDATES. 


WHAT  CLEVELAND  STANDS  FOR. 


ISSUED  FOR 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 


BIOGRAPHIES  AND  PORTRAITS  TAKEN  FROM 

THE    NATIONAL    CYCLOPAEDIA    OF   AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

VOLUME  II. 


COPYRIGHT,  1892,  BY  JAMES  T.  WHITE  &  Co. 


NEW   YORK: 

JAMES  T.  WHITE  &  COMPANY. 

1892, 


E705 


mTRODTJCTIOlSr. 


THE  NATIONAL  CYCLOPEDIA  OF  AMERICAN  BIOGRAPHY  has  been  undertaken  to 
provide  a  biographical  record  of  the  United  States  worthy  to  rank  with  the  great  Nation 
al  Biographies  of  Europe.  It  embraces  the  biographical  sketches  of  all  persons  prom 
inently  connected  with  the  history  of  the  nation.  Not  only  do  rulers,  statesmen,  soldiers, 
persons  noteworthy  in  the  church,  at  the  bar,  in  literature,  art,  science,  and  the  pro 
fessions  find  place,  but  also  those  who  have  contributed  to  the  industrial  and  commer 
cial  progress  and  growtli  of  the  country.  The  aim  of  the  work  is  to  exemplify  and 
perpetuate,  in  the  broadest  sense,  American  civilization  through  its  chief  personalities. 

Such  a  work  of  historical  biography  has  never  before  been  attempted.  Previous 
works  have  either  excluded  the  living,  or  limited  them  to  a  well-known  few  in  the  cen 
tres  of  activity.  But  this  Cyclopaedia  is  unique.  It  has  been  prepared  upon  new  lines 
which  insure  its  being  the  biographical  authority  of  the  century.  It  is  intended  to 
make  this  Cyclopaedia  National,  representing  the  entire  Republic,  and  reflecting  the 
spirit,  genius  and  life  of  each  section. 

It  is  acknowledged  that  the  great  forces  which  to-day  contribute  most  largely  to 
the  growth  of  the  country  are  the  men  who  have  developed  its  industrial  and  com 
mercial  resources,  and  it  is  believed  that,  while  literary  workers  should  be  accorded 
ample  representation,  those  who  contribute  so  much  to  the  material  and  physical  wel 
fare  of  the  country  deserve  and  command  fuller  recognition  than  has  before  been  ac 
corded  them  in  works  of  this  character.  Achievements  in  engineering,  electricity,  or 
architecture;  improvements  in  locomotives,  looms  or  ploughs,  contribute  as  much  to 
the  advancement  of  civilization  as  an  epic  poem  or  an  Oxford  tract;  and  the  factors 
in  these  achievements  are  to  be  sought  out,  and  given  to  the  world  through  the  pages 
of  this  Cyclopaedia. 

In  the  United  States  there  is  neither  a  Nobility,  nor  an  Aristocracy,  nor  is  there 
a  Landed  Gentry,  as  these  classes  are  understood  in  Europe.  But  there  are,  in  the 
United  States,  numerous  Families  which  have  ancient  lineage  and  records,  and  other 
families,  founded  in  the  soil,  so  to  speak,  destined  to  become  the  ancestry  of  the  future. 
There  is  every  reason  why  the  genealogy  and  history  of  these  families  should  be  re 
corded  and  perpetuated.  No  native  of  any  other  land  has  reason  to  be  prouder  of 
his  country  than  an  American  whose  family  name  represents  either  direct  descent 
from  the  early  colonists  or  Revolutionary  ancestors,  or  marked  prosperity  and  success 
through  intelligent,  arduous,  and  faithful  labor  for  the  benefit  of  his  country  and  the 
advancement  of  his  race.  One  of  the  objects  of  the  National  Cyclopaedia  is  to  fulfill 
for  the  United  States  this  purpose,  and  supply  an  invaluable  and  useful  means  for 
establishing  identity,  relationship,  birth,  death,  official  position,  and  other  important 
data  which  are  necessary  to  the  making  up  of  such  family  history. 

In  the  gathering  of  material  for  this  work  there  has  been  inaugurated  a  system 
of  local  contributions  from  every  section  of  the  country,  by  which  are  secured  the  facts 
in  reference  to  those  persons  who  have  heretofore  been  omitted  from  biographical 
notice.  Our  American  annals  are  full  of  characters  worthy  of  the  emulation  of  pos 
terity;  but  their  story  will  perish,  bearing  no  fruit,  if  it  be  not  gathered  up,  and  pre 
served  by  some  such  method  of  extended  research  as  has  been  adopted  by  the  Pub 
lishers  of  this  work. 

The  rapidity  of  the  Nation's  growth  makes  it  impossible  for  each  section  to  be 
acquainted  with  the  other,  and  up  to  this  time  it  is  only  the  most  conspicuous  person 
ages  in  any  part  of  the  country  who  are  known  beyond  their  locality.  In  the  West 
there  are  men  with  rough  exteriors  who  have  done  more  for  the  prosperity  and  growth  of 


r 
§ 

W  INTRODUCTION.  5 

their  communities  than  has  been  done  by  many  more  noted  personages  in  the  East.  It  is 
one  of  the  aims  of  the  National  Cyclopaedia  to  introduce  to  their  fellow-men  of  the  en 
tire  country  these  Nation-Builders,  heretofore  unknown  to  fame  beyond  the  limits  of 
their  own  neighborhood.  And  one  will  be  surprised  to  discover  how  many,  thought 
to  be  on  lower  pinnacles  of  fame  than  those  whose  deeds  embellish  the  pages  of  fa 
miliar  history  or  biography,  are  shown  by  this  record  to  be  the  peers  of  their  more 
celebrated  contemporaries. 

Instead  of  devoting  large  space  to  the  men  of  pre-Revolutionary  times,  it  is  in 
tended  to  make  this  a  live  Cyclopaedia,  which,  while  it  preserves  all  that  is  valuable  in 
the  past,  will  include  the  men  and  women  who  are  doing  the  work  and  moulding  the 
thought  of  the  present  time.  The  principal  growth  of  this  country  really  began  with 
the  invention  of  the  telegraph  in  1844,  which  placed  in  touch  the  states  which  were 
before  but  provinces,  and  made  thought,  sympathy,  and  patriotism  national.  It  is  the 
period  beginning  with  1850,  therefore,  which  ought  chiefly  to  be  embraced  in  a  work 
which  is  to  cover  the  great  development  of  the  country. 

The  history  of  the  past  has  been  the  history  of  the  few,  who,  by  reason  of  a  spe 
cial  ability  to  plan,  intrigue,  and  make  war,  or  by  accident  of  birth,  were  lifted  into 
prominence,  and  so  became  the  objects  of  observation  and  the  subjects  of  historical 
treatment.  But  the  history  of  the  present  and  the  future  must  be  a  history  of  the 
many,  who,  by  head  and  hand,  or  by  force  of  character  or  high  attainment,  have  made 
themselves  the  centres  and  sources  of  influence  in  their  respective  localities. 

As  works  of  this  magnitude  can  be  published  only  once  in  a  generation,  it  has 
been  thought  wise  to  include  in  the  National  Cyclopaedia  some  of  the  younger  men, 
and  others,  possibly  not  yet  known,  who  give  promise  of  being  notable  and  representa 
tive  in  the  future;  so  that  when  they  suddenly  spring  into  prominence,  as  is  so  frequently 
the  case,  this  Cyclopaedia  will  contain  information  of  their  lives,  which  will  show  the 
groundwork  of  their  characters  and  their  claim  upon  the  expectations  of  the  future. 
The  ideal  of  a  biographical  cyclopaedia  is  one  which  anticipates  the  information  de 
manded  about  new  men  as  they  come  into  prominence. 

It  is  aimed  to  have  these  biographies  include  all  the  facts  worthy  of  mention, 
and,  taken  together,  they  make  a  complete  history  of  the  United  States,  political, 
social,  commercial,  and  industrial. 

It  is  intended  to  make  each  character  sketch  a  likeness  which  will  be  immediately 
recognized  ;  one  which  will  give  the  underlying  motive  to  individual  endeavor,  the  se 
cret  of  success,  the  method  and  means  of  progress,  the  aim  and  aspiration  of  thought, 
and  which,  by  the  abandonment  of  the  usual  abbreviated  cyclopaedic  style,  becomes  as 
readable  as  a  tale  of  adventure  or  travel.  It  is  aimed,  moreover,  to  render  the  Cyclo 
paedia  educational  as  well  as  entertaining,  by  making  the  lives  of  important  men  illus 
trate  noteworthy  epochs  of  national  history. 

A  new  feature  in  the  National  Cyclopaedia  is  the  grouping  of  individuals  with 
reference  to  their  work  and  its  results.  Arranging  the  presidents  of  a  college,  the 
governors  of  a  state,  the  bishops  of  a  diocese,  etc.,  so  as  to  present  a  progressive  narrative 
gives  an  historical  character  to  the  work,  which  is  of  unique  and  unusual  value. 
Groupings  are  also  made  with  reference  to  important  events  and  prominent  movements: 
for  instance,  the  American  Revolution,  the  Abolition  Movement,  the  Geneva  Arbitration, 
and  the  Pan-American  Congress.  Especially  are  they  made  in  connection  with  great  in 
dustrial  developments,  as  the  telegraph,  ironclads,  cotton,  steel,  and  petroleum;  so  that 
this  work  furnishes  the  means  for  the  systematic  study  of  the  history  and  growth  of 
the  country,  as  well  as  for  biographical  reference. 

This  grouping  of  biographies  necessitates  the  abandonment  of  the  alphabetical  ar 
rangement,  which,  though  an  innovation,  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  and  approved 
features  of  the  work.  In  these  days  the  utility  of  Indexes  is  becoming  more  and  more 
acknowledged  by  scholars  and  literary  workers  ;  and  general  Cyclopaedias,  which  are 


6  INTRODUCTION. 

constructed  in  alphabetical  order,  are  supplemented  by  an  Index.  With  such  an  Index, 
however,  the  alphabetical  order  of  arrangement  becomes  entirely  'unnecessary.  More 
over,  in  preparing  this  work,  requiring  such  extensive  research,  it  is  manifestly  impossi 
ble  to  issue  it  in  alphabetical  order  until  the  entire  compilation  is  completed,  and  being 
laid  aside  during  all  these  years  of  preparation,  much  of  this  information  necessarily 
becomes  old  and  unreliable.  But  biography  embracing  men  of  the  time  demands 
immediate  publication.  Upon  the  appearance  of  a  recent  biographical  work  it  was 
found  that  there  were  over  two  thousand  omissions,  caused  by  the  information  com 
ing  to  hand  after  the  alphabetical  place  had  been  closed,  which  necessitated  the 
addition  of  an  Appendix.  It  is  well  known  that  every  important  biographical  work 
heretofore  published  in  successive  volumes  has  at  least  one  Appendix,  which  becomes 
so  much  a  necessity  in  order  to  include  the  omissions,  as  to  compel  its  publication  with 
the  last  volume  of  the  work.  This  at  once  destroys  any  alphabetical  arrangement, 
makes  it  of  no  value  for  reference,  and  compels  a  reliance  upon  the  Index. 

In  view  of  the  grave  disadvantages  of  the  alphabetical  method,  the  Publishers  are 
convinced  that  in  a  work  of  the  magnitude  of  the  National  Cyclopaedia,  simple  tradi 
tional  precedent  for  such  an  arrangement  should  not  be  allowed  to  destroy  freshness 
of  material,  or  stand  in  the  way  of  the  manifest  improvement,  which  grouping  makes 
possible.  They  have,  therefore,  disregarded  the  alphabetical  order  in  favor  of  grouping 
the  biographies,  and  will  place  in  each  successive  volume  a  full,  analytical  Index,  Cov 
ering  all  the  preceding  volumes,  which  Avill  make  its  vast  information  immediately  and 
conveniently  accessible,  besides  enabling  its  publication  years  before  it  would  be  possi 
ble  under  the  former  conventional  method.  The  Publishers  have  been  confirmed  in  their 
judgment  by  the  approval  and  .endorsement  of  the  leading  librarians,  editors,  and  liter 
ary  workers  of  the  country. 

Pictures  of  home  surroundings  add  so  much  interest  to  biography,  that  it  has  been 
deemed  desirable  to  insert  views  of  residences,  which  give  to  the  Avork  a  new  fea 
ture —  the  portrayal  of  dwelling-places,  which,  in  the  future,  will  become  the  ancestral 
homes  of  America. 

As  portraiture  is  the  demand  of  the  time  and  contributes  so  much  to  the  under 
standing  of  biography,  it  has  been  made  a  prominent  feature  of  the  National  Cyclo 
paedia  to  have  every  sketch,  as  far  as  possible,  embellished  with  a  portrait.  Great 
pains  have  been  taken  to  secure  from  the  families  or  descendants  the  best  likenesses, 
which  are  engraved  under  their  superintendence  and  approval,  and,  in  a  large  number  of 
instances,  are  given  to  the  world  for  the  first  time  through  the  pages  of  this  work. 

Never  before  has  such  a  collection  of  authentic  portraits  been  made.  If  done  in 
oil  and  hung  upon  walls,  they  would  constitute  the  Historical  Portrait  Gallery,  which 
Carlyle  insisted  ought  to  have  place  in  every  country,  as  among  the  most  popular  and  cher 
ished  National  possessions.  But  these  engraved  portraits,  gathered  into  the  convenient  and 
accessible  form  here  presented,  none  the  less  realize  Carlyle's  idea  of  a  National  Gallery, 
for  in  this  manner  there  is  made  accessible  to  the  world,  as  could  not  be  done  in  any 
other  way,  a  collection  so  complete  and  representative,  that  it  may  be  truly  called  the 
National  Portrait  Gallery  of  America. 

To  be  published  in  Twelve  Royal  Octavo  Volumes. 

A  "  GENEALOGY  AND  AUTOGRAPH"  EDITION,  being  the  First  Impression  from  the 
Original  Plates,  and  limited  to  advance  subscribers  having  Portraits  in  the  Work,  is  print 
ed  on  large  paper,  and  specially  prepared  ivith  WHITE'S  GENEALOGICAL  CHART  and  FAM 
ILY  REGISTER,  together  with  extra  autograph  pages  for  continuing  the  printed  biograph 
ical  record.  This  edition  is  bound  in  Half  Russia.  Price,  Ten  Dollars  per  volume. 

JAMES  T.  WHITE   &  CO.,  PUBLISHERS,  NEW  YORK. 


COPYRIGHT,    1S92,    BY  JAMES  T.      WHITE   *    CO. 


, 


COPYKIGMT,    1892,    BY  J»MES  T.     WHITE    1    CO 


CLEVELAND,  Grover,  twenty-second  presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  was  born  at  Caldwell,  Es 
sex  Co.,  N.  J.,  March  18,  1837.  The  family  came 
from  Suffolk  county,  ~Eng.,  settling  in  Massachu 
setts  early  in  the  seventeenth  century.  Richard  F. 
Cleveland  was  a  Presbyterian  minister  in  1829,  and 
married  the  daughter  of  a  Baltimore  merchant  born 
iu  Ireland.  These  were  Grover  Cleveland's  father 
and  mother.  The  boy  was  named  after  Rev.  Stephen 
Grover,  who  formerly  occupied  the  Presbyterian 
parsonage  at  Caldwell,  where  Mr.  Cleveland  was 
born.  In  1841  the  family  removed  to  Fayetteville, 
N.  Y.,  and  here  young  Grover  received  his  first 
schooling,  and  at  an  early  age  held  a  clerkship  in  a 
country  store.  He,  however,  obtained  such  further 
instruction  at  Clinton,  Oneida  Co.,  when  the  family 
settled  there,  that,  in  his  seventeenth  year  he  was 
appointed  assistant  teacher  of  the 
New  York  Institution  for  the  Blind. 
In  1855  young  Cleveland  was  em 
ployed  by  his  uncle,  Lewis  F.  Allen, 
at  Buffalo,  to  assist  him  in  compil 
ing  the  "American  Herd  Book," 
where,  for  several  years,  he  render 
ed  assistance  in  the  preparation  of 
that  work.  At  the  same  time,  he 
had  a  clerkship  in  the  law  firm  of 
Rogers,  Bowen  &  Rogers,  in  Buf 
falo,  and  began  to  read  law.  In 
1859  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar, 
continuing  with  the  same  firm  un 
til  1862  as  their  managing  clerk. 
On  the  1st  of  January,  1863,  he 
was  appointed  assistant  district  at 
torney  of  Erie  county.  At  this 
time  he  was  so  cramped  for  the  means  of  living  and 
of  supporting  his  mother  and  sisters,  who  were  de 
pendent  upon  him,  that,  being  conscripted  and  un 
able  to  serve  in  the  war,  he  was  obliged  to  borrow 
money  sufficient  to  send  a  substitute,  and  it  was  not 
until  long  after  that  he  was  able  to  pay  off  this  loan. 
Meanwhile  two  of  Cleveland's  brothers  were  in  the 
military  service,  and  the  case,  so  far  from  being  an 
exceptional  one  (as  has  been  so  often  set  forth  by  his 
enemies),  was  one  of  the  most  common  in  regard  to 
the  construction  of  the  Union  armies;  that  is  to  say, 
such  members  of  the  family  as  could  best  be  spared 
going  to  the-war,  while  others,  who  had  positions  or 

11—26 


business  engagements,  remained  at  home  to  support 
their  families.  In  1865  Mr.  Cleveland  was  defeated  for 
the  district  attorneyship  of  Erie  county.  He  then  en 
tered  into  partnership  with  Isaac  V.  Vanderpool,  and 
in  1869  joined  the  firm  of  Lanning,  Cleveland  &  Fol- 
som.  His  law  practice  having  extended,  he  was 
now  successful.  Being  a  popular  man  in  the  neigh 
borhood  which  had  so  long  known  him,  he  was 
urged  by  his  friends  and  finally  constrained  to  ac 
cept  the  nomination,  and  in  1870  was  elected  sher 
iff  of  Erie  county.  This  position  he  held  three 
years,  making  an 'entirely  favorable  impression  on 
all  who  had  official  dealings  with  him.  At  the  close 
of  his  term  he  joined  Lyman  K.  Bass  in  forming  the 
firm  of  Bass,  Cleveland  &  Bissell,  which  was  af 
terward  Cleveland  &  Bissell,  Mr.  Bass  retiring  on 
account  of  poor  health.  In  this  partnership  Cleve 
land  continued  to  improve  his  fortunes  and  his  rep 
utation  as  a  lawyer,  and  also  to  extend  his  popularity 
as  an  official  and  a  man.  In  1881  he  was  nominated 
as  the  democratic  candidate  for  mayor  of  Buffalo, 
and  was  elected  by  the  largest  majority  ever  given 
in  that  city,  although  the  republican  state  ticket  was 
carried  in  Buffalo  at  that  election  by  an  average  ma 
jority  of  over  1,600,  while  Mr.  Cleveland's  majority 
was  3,530  for  the  mayoralty.  In  his  new  office  he 
became  known  as  the  "veto  mayor,"  from  his  fear 
less  exercise  of  that  prerogative  in  checking  extrav 
agance  and  the  illegal  expenditure  of  the  public 
moneys.  In  1882  Mr.  Cleveland  ran  for  governor 
against  Charles  J.  Folger,  then  U.  S.  secretary  of 
the  treasury.  In  the  election  Cleveland  received  a 
plurality  of  nearly  200,000  over  Folger,  and  a  ma 
jority  over  all,  including  greenback,  prohibition  and 
scattering,  of  151,742.  Gov.  Cleveland's  administra 
tion  was  notable  for  the  simple  and  unostentatious 
way  in  which  business  was  conducted.  In  the 
exercise  of  the  veto  power  he  was  as  courageous 
as  he  had  shown  himself  to  be  while  mayor  of  Buf 
falo;  but  his  vetoes  were  always  clearly  sustained 
by  his  duty  under  the  law.  In  a  letter  writ 
ten  to  his  brother  on  the  day  of  his  election,  Gov. 
Cleveland  announced  the  policy  which  he  intended 
to  adopt,  and  which  he  afterward  carried  out,  viz.: 
"To  make  the  matter  a  business  engagement  between 
the  people  of  the  state  and  myself  in  which  the  ob 
ligation  on  my  side  is  to  perform  the  duties  assigned 
me  with  an  eye  single  to  the  interests  of  my  em- 


12 


THE    NATIONAL    CYCLOPAEDIA 


ployers."  On  July  11,  1884,  Grover  Cleveland  was 
nominated  at  Chicago  as  the  democratic  candidate 
for  the  presidency  of  the  United  States.  At  the 
election  in  November  Mr.  Cleveland  received  on 
the  popular  vote,  4,874,986;  Mr.  Elaine,  4,851,981; 
Butler,  175,370;  St.  John,  temperance,  150,369; 
scattering,  14,904.  In  the  electoral  college  Mr.  Cleve 
land's  majority  was  37.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1885, 
Mr.  Cleveland  was  inaugurated  as  president  of  the 
United  States.  In  his  inaugural  address  he  declared 
his  approval  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  placed  himself 
on  record  as  in  favor  of  strict  economy  in  the  admin 
istration  of  the  finances,  and  the  protection  of  the 
Indians  and  security  of  the  freedmen,  and  mani 
fested  his  recognition  of  the  value  of  civil  service 
reform,  saying,  that  "the  people  have  a  right  to 
protection  from  the  incompetency  of  public  em 
ployes  who  hold  their  places  solely  as  a  reward  for 
personal  services;  and  those  who  worthily  seek  pub 
lic  employment  have  a  right  to  insist  that  merit  and 
competency  shall  be  recognized  instead  of  party  sub 
serviency  or  the  surrender  of  honest  political  belief. " 
The  oath  of  office  was  administered  to  President 
Cleveland  by  Chief  Justice  Waite.  Mr.  Cleveland's 
cabinet  was  composed  as  follows:  Thomas  F.  Bay 
ard,  secretary  of  state;  Daniel  Manning,  secretary  of 
the  treasury,  who  died  during  his  incumbency  and 
was  succeeded  by  Charles  S.  Fairchild;  William 
C.  Endicott,  secretary  of  war;  William  C.  Whit 
ney,  secretary  of  the  navy;  William  F.  Vilas,  post 
master-general,  afterward  transferred  to  the  de 
partment  of  the  interior,  being  succeeded  by 
Don  M.  Dickinson  ;  Augustus  TH.  Garland,  at 
torney-general  ;  Lucius  Q"  C.  Lamar,  secretary  of 
the  interior,  afterward  appointed  associate  justice 
of  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Cleveland  in  conducting  the  presidential  office  an 
tagonized  a  large  proportion  of  his  own  party  by  his 
determination  that  no  removals  of  office-holders,  ex 
cepting  heads  of  departments,  foreign  ministers  and 
other  officers  charged  with  the  execution  of  the  pol 
icy  of  the  administration,  should  take  place  except 
for  cause.  "Offensive  partisanship "  was,  however, 
assigned  as  a  reason  for  the  removal  of  many  repub 
lican  office-holders.  President  Cleveland  never 
halted  in  his  endeavor  to  protect  the  Indians  from 
the  encroachments  of  raiders  and  cattle-herders, 
driving  the  latter  relentlessly  from  their  stolen  terri 
tory.  He  came  in  conflict  with  the  senate  in  regard 
to  his  appointments,  refusing  to  submit  papers  re 
lating  to  the  causes  for  which  removals  had  been 
effected.  He  refused  to  yield  to  the  dictation  of  the 
senate  concerning  his  appointments,  but  during  his 
entire  term  resisted  all  attempts  on  the  part  of  the 
senate  to  force  from  him  papers  and  documents  upon 
which  he  based  his  executive  judgment  for  removals 
from  office.  In  this  conflict  he  was  successful.  Mr. 
Cleveland  exercised  the  veto  power  beyond  all  prec 
edent.  He  vetoed  115  out  of  987  bills  which  had 
passed  both  houses,  102  of  these  being  private  pen 
sion  bills.  On  June  2,  1886,  President  Cleveland 
married,  in  the  White  House,  Frances  Folsom, 
daughter  of  his  former  partner.  Oscar  Folsom,  of 
Buffalo;  and  to  the  charming  nature,  personal  beauty 
and  affability  of  this  lady,  the  youngest  of  all  the 
mistresses  of  the  White  House  excepting  Dorothy 
Madison,  who  was  of  her  age,  Mr.  Cleveland  owed  a 
large  proportion  of  his  popularity  while  occupying 
the  presidential  chair.  In  1888  Mr.  Cleveland  was 
a  candidate  for  a  second  term,  but  was  defeated  in 
the  election  of  that  year  by  Benjamin  Harrison. 
After  his  retirement  from  public  life,  Mr.  Cleveland 
settled  in  New  York  city,  and  opening  an  office  pre 
pared  to  establish  for  himself  a  general  law  practice. 
In  this  he  was  entirely  successful,  and  besides  doing 
an  extensive  business  in  the  New  York  courts  has 
been  frequently  called  to  Washington  to  argue  im 


portant  cases'  before  the  supreme  court  of  the  United 
States.  Meanwhile  Mr.  Cleveland  has  been  hailed 
as  the  representative  head  of  the  democratic  party, 
by  the  rank  and  file  of  which  organization  his  occa 
sional  utterances  concerning  politics  have  been  ac 
cepted  as  oracles,  while  he  has  continued  to  hold  a 
position  likely  to  ensure  for  him  the  candidacy  of  the 
party  for  the  presidential  election  of  1892.  His  pop 
ularity  in  his  own  party  and  the  enmity  which  he 
has  incurred  in  the  ranks  of  his  opponents  Lave  both 
been  due  mainly  to  his  courageous  and  determined 
exploitation  of  the  doctrine  of  "Tariff  for  Revenue 
Only,"  as  the  logical  outcome  of  the  democratic  idea 
in  American  politics.  In  taking  this  stand,  Mr.  Cleve 
land  has  shrewdly  recognized  the  fact  that  the  two 
parties  have  never  yet  divided  closely  on  tariff  lines, 
and  that  while  there  were  protectionists  in  the  dem 
ocratic  ranks,  there  were  also  many  in  the  repub 
lican  organization  that  upheld  his  principles.  Thai 
which  would  have  seemed  likely  to  destroy  him  as  a 
political  leader,  and  which  did  unquestionably  aid 
materially  in  defeating  him  for  a  second  term,  did, 
under  the  influence  of  the  history  of  the  United  States 
during  the  first  half  of  the  republican  administration, 
grow  to  be  his  strongest  advocate  before  the  coun 
try.  The  precipitation  of  the  very  ultimate  possi 
bility  of  high  tariff  upon  the  commercial  situation 
with  its  vast  and  increasing  following  of  commercial 
and  social  distress,  the  result  of  coincident  high 
prices,  produced  its  logical  results,  and  in  the  na 
tional  democratic  convention  of  1892  Mr.  Cleveland 
was  renominated  on  the  first  ballot,  by  a  vote  of  617 
out  of  908,  on  a  platform  which  virtually  pronounced 
for  free  trade  after  rejecting  a  proposition  which 
was  non-committal.  The  democratic  politicians  op 
posed  Mr.  Cleveland's  renomination,  but  at  the  de 
mand  of  the  people,  he  was  chosen  standard-bearer 
for  the  third  time. 

CLEVELAND, Frances  Folsom,  was  born  July 
21, 1864,  at  No.  168  Edward  street,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  the 
daughter  of  Oscar  Folsom,  who  married  Miss  Harmon, 
of  Medina.  Frances  lost  her  fa 
ther  in  1875,  and  her  mother  then 
went  home  to  Medina,  taking  her 
daughter  with  her.  During  her 
early  childhood  Frances  had  at 
tended  Madame  Brecker's  French 
kindergarten,  where  she  displayed 
a  quick  understanding  and  an 
aptitude  for  study.  After  her 
return  to  Buffalo,  she  entered  the 
Central  School,  and  became  a 
favorite  with  her  teachers,  as  well 
as  with  the  pupils.  After  leav 
ing  the  Central  School,  she  en 
tered  the  Sophomore  class  at 
Wells  College,  which  her  school 
certificate  permitted  her  to  do 
without  examination,  and  it  was 
while  she  was  at  Wells  College 
that  Gov.  Cleveland's  attention  to 
her,  in  the  way  of  flowers,  first  be 
gan  to  be  noticed.  When  she  graduated  in  June,  1885, 
she  received  superb  floral  tributes  from  the  conser 
vatories  attached  to  the  White  House,  Mr.  Cleveland 
being  at  that  time  president  of  the  United  States. 
After  graduation,  Miss  Folsom  spent  the  summer 
with  her  uncle,  Col.  John  B.  Folsom,  at  Folsomdale, 
Wyoming  Co.,  N.  Y.,  and  went  abroad  in  the  au 
tumn  with  her  mother.  Her  engagement  to  Presi 
dent  Cleveland  had  not  been  announced,  but  it  is 
supposed  that  they  had  come  to  a  definite  under 
standing  before  her  departure.  She  returned  from 
Europe  in  the  following  spring,  landing  in  New 
York  May  27,  1886,  where  she  was  met  by  the  presi 
dent's  sister,  Miss  Cleveland,  and  his  private  secre 
tary.  Miss  Folsom  remained  at  the  Gilsey  House  in 


OF    AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


13 


New  York  city  until  her  departure  for  Washington, 
where  she  was  married  on  June  2,  1886,  in  the  Blue 
Room  of  the  White  House.  For  nearly  three  years 
Mrs.  Cleveland,  as  wife  of  the  president  of  the 
United  States,  occupied  the  position  of  "tirst  lady 
in  the  land,"  and  it  is  safe  to  say  that  no  other  White 
House  lady  achieved  greater  popularity.  Notwith 
standing  her  youth,  she  tilled  her  arduous  position 
with  a  tact  and  grace  that  won  golden  encomiums 
from  every  one;  at  no  time  did  she  forget  the  dignity 
of  her  position,  nor  did  she  ever  presume  upon  it. 
When  she  left  the  White  House,  in  1889,  with  her 
husband,  to  take  up  her  residence  in  New  York  city, 
it  was  with  sincere  expressions  of  regret  from  all 
classes  and  parties:  Mrs.  Cleveland  is  tall,  with 
brown  hair,  violet  eyes,  a  rather  large  nose,  and  a 
mobile  mouth.  Her  face  expresses  great  strength  of 
character,  and  she  has  a  sympathetic  manner  that 
wins  every  one.  She  has  one  child,  Ruth,  born  in 
New  York  city  Oct.  3,  1891. 

HENDRICKS,  Thomas  Andrews,  vice-presi 
dent,  was  born  on  a  farm  near  Zauesville,  O.,  Sept. 
7,  1819.  His  father,  John  Hendricks,  was  a  native 
of  Pennsylvania,  one  of  the  early  settlers  of  that 
portion  of  Westmoreland  county,  known  as  the 
Ligonier  Valley.  A  brother  of  John  Hendricks, 
William,  also  born  in  Pennsylvania,  was  a  promi 
nent  statesman  of  his  time,  being  sole  representative 
from  Wisconsin  from  December,  1816,  to  1822,  when 
he  was  elected  governor  of  Indiana,  and  also  United 
States  senator  from  Indiana,  from  1825  to  1837;  so 
that  of  his  immediate  ancestry,  Thomas  A.  Hen 
dricks  might  well  be  proud.  The  wife  of  John 
Hendricks,  Jane  Thomson,  was  of  Scotch  descent, 
her  grandfather  having  emigrated  to  America  before 
the  revolution,  and  fought  with  credit  during  that 
struggle.  Six  months  after  Thomas  Hendricks  was 
born,  his  father  removed  to  Indiana,  and  setted  at 
Madison,  on  the  Ohio  river,  but  in  1822  went  to 
Shelby  county,  where  he  built  a  substantial  brick 
house,  which  is  still  standing  and  where  his  family 
were  reared  under  properly  moral  and  restraining  in 
fluences.  He  founded  a  Presbyterian  church  in  Ind 
ianapolis,  that  city  having  just  been  established,  and 
his  son  Thomas  was  educated  in  that  denomination. 
He  attended  the  village  school  near  his  home  for 
several  years,  and  then  studied  at  the  college  at 
South  Hanover,  where  he  was  graduated  in  1841. 
His  mother's  brother.  Judge  Thomson,  of  Cham- 
bersburg,  Pa.,  now  took  the  young  man  into  his 
office,  where  he  studied  law,  and  was  admitted  to 
the  bar  in  1843.  Two  years  later  he  married  Eliza 
C.  Morgan,  and  immediately  entered  upon  a  success 
ful  and  profitable  practice  at  the  bar.  He  was  al 
ready  an  impressive  public  speaker  and  took  deep 
interest  in  politics,  and  in  1848  was  elected  to  the 
state  legislature.  Two  years  later  he  declined  a  re 
election  to  accept  the  position  of  state  senator.  In 
1851  Mr.  Hendricks  was  nominated  for  congress,  in 
the  Indianapolis  district,  and  was  elected;  and  his 
service  was  so  acceptable  to  his  constituents  that  he 
was  re-elected.  In  1855  he  resumed  the  practice  of 
law  at  Shelbyville,  but  the  same  year  was  offered 
by  President  Pierce  the  position  of  commissioner  of 
the  general  land  office,  which  he  accepted  and  held 
until  1859,  administering  the  duties  of  the  office  with 
ability,  good  judgment  and  strict  integrity;  earning 
in  that  position  a  wide-spread,  national  reputation. 
In  1860  the  Indiana  democratic  state  convention 
nominated  Mr.  Hendricks  for  the  governorship,  but 
the  democratic  party  being  split  between  two  fac 
tions,  controlled  respectively  by  Stephen  A.  Doug 
lass  and  John  C.  Breckenrldge,  the  result  was  the 
election  of  the  republican  candidate,  Col.  Henry  S. 
Lane.  Mr.  Hendricks  then  went  to  Indianapolis 
and  there  formed  a  law  partnership  with  Oscar  B. 


Hard,  who  was  afterward  the  attorney-general  of 
the  state.  The  legislature  of  1862-63  was  demo 
cratic,  and  Jesse  D.  Bright  having  been  expelled 
from  his  seat  in  the  U.  S.  senate,  David  S.  Turpie 
was  elected  to  till  out  the  remaining  eighteen  days 
of  the  unexpired  term,  while  Mr.  Hendricks  was 
unanimously  elected  for  the  full  term  of  six  years, 
taking  his  seat  in  the  national  senate  on  March  4, 
1863,  and  serving  until  1869.  He  was  practically 
the  leader  of  the  small  democratic  minority  in  the 
senate,  where  he  served  on  the  committees  on  judi 
ciary,  public  lands,  naval  affairs,  and  claims.  He 
was  bitterly  opposed  to  the  Southern  reconstruction 
plan  of  the  republicans  and  to  the  amendments  to 
the  constitution,  but  he  voted  for  large  appropria 
tions  to  carry  on  the  war  and  was  strongly  in  favor 
of  increasing  the  pay  of  the  soldiers.  In  1868,  in 
the  democratic  convention  held  in  New  York,  Mr. 
Hendricks  was  a  candidate  for  the  presidency,  and 
on  the  twenty-first  ballot  receiv 
ed  132  votes  to  135}-£  for  Gen. 
Hancock.  That  convention  final 
ly  compromised  on  Horatio  Sey 
mour.  Just  at  the  close  of  his 
term  in  the  senate  Mr.  Hendricks 
was  nominated  for  the  governor 
ship  of  Indiana,  but  was  defeat 
ed  by  Conrad  Baker,  the  repub 
lican  candidate,  who  was  elected 
by  a  very  small  majority.  Sen 
ator  Hendricks  now  returned  to 
Indianapolis  and  began  again  to 
practice  law,  the  firm  name  be 
ing  Hendricks,  Hard  &  Hen 
dricks,  the  latter  member  being 
his  cousin,  Abram  W. ,  a  strong  re- 
publican.  The  firm  was  one  of  two 
or  three  leading  ones  in  the  city 
and  enjoyed  a  very  lucrative  prac 
tice,  enabling  Mr.  Heudricks  to 
increase  the  already  comfort 
able  competence  which  he  had  acquired  by  his 
business  shrewdness  and  economy.  In  1872  there 
was  another  important  gubernatorial  election  in  In 
diana,  when  Thomas  N.  Brown  was  nominated  by 
the  republicans  and  Senator  Hendricks  by  the  demo 
crats.  The  campaign  was  an  exciting  one,  turning 
materially  on  the  question  of  temperance,  as  to 
which  Mr.  Hendricks  was  understood  to  be  in  favor 
of  local  option.  Partly  on  the  strength  of  this  ten 
dency  he  was  elected  by  a  plurality  of  1,200  votes, 
all  the  other  officers  of  the  state,  except  the  superin 
tendent  of  public  construction,  being  republicans. 
He  afterwards  sustained  his  temperance  position  by 
approving  what  was  known  as  "the  Baxter  law." 
This  was  in  the  October  election,  and  the  next 
month  Grant  carried  the  state  by  a  majority  of 
6,000.  Oddly  enough,  Gov.  Hendricks  is  authority 
for  the  assertion  that  any  man  competent  to  be  a 
notary  public  could  fill  the  position  of  governor  of 
Indiana,  so  that  it  would  appear  there  was  not  much 
to  test  the  executive  abilities  of  Gov.  Hendricks 
during  his  term  of  office.  He  made  an  urbane,  care 
ful,  satisfactory  official,  and  when  he  retired  from 
the  position  it  was  with  the  respect  of  all  parties  in 
the  state.  In  July  1874,  Mr.  Hendricks  was  perma 
nent  chairman  of  the  state  democratic  convention  at 
Indianapolis.  On  June  27,  1876,  the  democratic 
national  convention  at  St.  Louis  nominated  Samuel 
J.  Tilden  for  president  on  the  second  ballot,  and 
Mr.  Hendricks  for  vice-president,  the  latter  receiv 
ing  730  votes  out  of  738.  The  stoutly  contested  and 
bitter  campaign  which  followed  is  a  matter  of  his 
tory,  as  also  the  claim  of  both  parties  to  the  election, 
and  the  final  disposition  of  the  question  by  the  elect 
oral  board,  when  Mr.  Hnyes  was  given  the  election. 
During  the  next  eight  years  Mr.  Hendricks  remained 


14 


THE    NATIONAL    CYCLOPAEDIA 


•quietly  in  Indianapolis,  practicing  his  profession, 
strongly  interested  in  religious  matters,  having 
joined  the  St.  Paul's  P.  E.  church,  on  its  organiza 
tion  in  1862,  and  being  senior  warden  thereof.  This 
life  was  varied  only  in  1876  when  Mr.  Hendricks 
made  an  extended  trip  in  Europe,  where  he  was 
cordially  received  by  prominent  statesmen,  who 
were  familiar  with  his  name  and  reputation.  In 
July,  1884,  Mr.  Hendricks  was  a  member  of  the 
democratic  national  convention,  held  at  Chicago, 
and  in  behalf  of  the  Indiana  delegation  nominated, 
as  that  state's  candidate  for  the  presidency,  Joseph 
E.  McDonald.  Mr.  Hendricks  was,  however,  pre 
sented  by  Gov.  Thos.  Waller,  in  the  name  of  Con 
necticut,  as  the  candidate  for  the  presidency,  where 
upon  the  chairman  of  the  Indiana  delegation  rose  to 
his  feet  to  protest,  saying,  "Mr.  Hendricks  is  not  a 
candidate  and  will  not  be  a  candidate.  I  am  author 
ized  to  say  this  by  Mr.  Hendricks."  The  nomina 
tion  was  accordingly  withdrawn.  The  nomination 
of  Grover  Cleveland  for  the  presidency  was  fol 
lowed  by  William  A.  Wallace,  of  Pennsylvania, 
naming  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  tor  the  vice-presidency ; 
whereupon  delegation  after  delegation  rolled  in  its 
vote  for  Mr.  Hendricks,  and  he  was  the  unanimous 
choice  of  the  convention.  The  election  of  the  presi 
dent  and  vice-president  in  November  perfected  this 
action,  and  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  became  vice- 
president  of  the  United  States.  In  March  4,  1885, 
he  assumed  his  position,  and  fulfilled  its  duties  in 
good  health  until  the  autumn.  A  serious  attack 
which  had  befallen  him  in  1863  was,  however,  the 
cause  of  some  fears,  both  on  the  part  of  the  vice- 
president  and  of  Mrs.  Hendricks,  that  his  life  would 
come  to  a  sudden  end.  He  removed  to  Washington 
after  his  election  and  at  the  extra  session  of  the  sen 
ate,  convened  on  the  4th  of 
March,  presided  over  that  body, 
where  his  courtesy  and  urban 
ity  at  once  made  "him  exceed 
ingly  popular.  In  the  latter 
part  of  November  the  vice-pres 
ident  had  been  in  Chicago  for 
a  few  days,  returning  to  his 
home  at  Indianapolis  on  Nov. 
24th.  He  contracted  a  severe 
cold,  but  no  serious  results  were 
anticipated,  and  on  that  evening 
he  attended  a  reception  with 
Mrs.  Hendricks,  appearing  as 
well  as  usual.  The  next  day, 
however,  he  complained  of  be 
ing  ill,  and  was  taken  with  a 
congestive  chill.  A  few  min 
utes  before  five  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  Mr.  Hendricks  ob 
serving  that  he  was  free  from 
pain,  he  was  for  a  few  mo 
ments  left  alone  by  his  wife, 
who  on  returning  found  that 
lie  was  dead.  The  feeling  at 
Washington  and  throughout 
the  country,  at  this  sudden 
T*/  taking  off  of  the  vice-presi 
dent  was  deep  and  sincere. 
Suitable  official  action  was  at 
once  taken,  the  president  call- 
Parks.  ~-~^~[  ing  a  special  meeting  of  the 

members  of  the  cabinet  for 
the  same  evening,  when  it  was  determined  that  the 
members  of  the  administration  should  attend  the 
funeral  in  a  body.  Mr.  Heudricks  was  the  fifth 
vice-president  of  the  United  States  who  died  during 
his  term  of  office.  He  was  buried  from  the  cathe 
dral  in  Indianapolis,  the  funeral  being  both  civil 
and  military.  The  government  was  represented  by 
members  of  ;the  cabinet,  and  committees  from  the 


two  houses  of  congress  and  the  supreme  court. 
Under  the  circumstances  it  was  deemed  best  for 
President  Cleveland  to  remain  at  Washington,  as, 
in  case  of  any  mortal  accident  to  him,  the  govern 
ment  would  have  been  without  a  head.  He  died 
Nov.  25,  1885. 

BAYARD,  Thomas  Francis,  secretary  of 
state,  was  born  in  Wilmington,  Del.,  Oct.  29,  1828. 
He  came  of  a  long  line  of'senators,  while  his  early 
ancestors  belonged  to  a  distinguished  family  of  French 
Huguenots.  Samuel  Bayard  was 
the  grandson  of  a  professor  of 
theology  in  Paris,  who  fled  from 
France  to  escape  religious  perse 
cution.  In  1647  Nicholas,  in  com 
pany  with  Peter  Stuyvesant,  the 
last  Dutch  governor  of  New  York, 
who  was  his  brother-in-law,  emi 
grated  to  America.  For  a  time, 
the  Bayards  were  prominent  in 
New  York,  but  after  a  while  they 
began  to  appear  in  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland  and  Delaware.  John 
Bayard,  who  was  born  in  Mary 
land,  was  the  great -great-grandson 
of  the  Samuel  Bayard  already  men 
tioned.  He  settled  in  Philadelphia 
about  1756,  and  became  one  of  the 
leading  merchants  of  that  city.  A 
twin  brother  of  John  Bayard,  James 
Asheton,  was  one  of  those  who  ne 
gotiated  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  Dec.  24, 1818.  His  son 
was  born  at  Wilmington,  Del.,  and  was  the  U.  S. 
senator  of  that  state  in  1851, 1857  and  1862.  Thom 
as  Francis  Bayard  was  the  son  of  James  Asheton. 
The  boy  was  fortunate  in  his  educational  advantages, 
as,  in  his  early  youth  he  entered  the  Flushing  School, 
Long  Island,  at  that  time  under  the  direction  of  its 
founder,  Rev.  A.  L.  Hawks,  D.  D.  His  first  inten 
tion  was  to  become  a  merchant,  and  for  a  time  he 
was  engaged  in  business  as  a  clerk  in  a  commercial 
house  in  Newr  York.  He,  however,  gave  up  his  in 
tention  in  that  direction,  and  settled  in  Wilmington, 
Del.,  in  1848,  having  determined  to  follow  the  pro 
fession  of  the  law.  'In  1851  he  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  of  the  state  of  Delaware,  and  entered  upon  gen 
eral  practice  in  Wilmington,  being  in  two  years 
from  that  time  appointed  U.  S.  district  attorney  for 
Delaware.  During  the  years  1855  and  1856  he  re 
sided  in  Philadelphia,  but  he  then  returned  to  his 
native  state  and  remained  there,  constantly  practising 
law  until  1868,  when  he  was  elected  to  succeed 
his  father  as  a  member  of  the  U.  S.  senate.  During 
the  civil  war  Mr.  Bayard  did  what  he  could  to  estab 
lish  a  state  of  agreement  writh  the  South,  and  as  early 
as  1861  spoke  in  public  to  that  effect.  Mr.  Bayard 
was  re-elected  to  the  U.  S.  senate  in  1875,  and  again 
in  1881.  On  March  20,  1875,  he  made  an  able  speech 
in  the  U.  S.  senate,  displaying  that  loyalty  to  his 
country  and  that  lack  of  absolute  partisanship  in  his 
political  conduct,  which  were  always  peculiar  to 
him.  The  name  of  Horace  Greeley,  the  unsuccess 
ful  candidate  for  the  presidency  in  1872,  had  come 
up  in  the  senate,  in  the  debate  on  the  Louisiana  ques 
tion,  and  speaking  to  this  question,  Senator  Bayard 
said:  "The  nomination  of  Horace  Greeley  had  its 
impulse  largely  among  the  Southern  white  people, 
whose  opinions  and  prejudices  had  for  more  than 
one  generation  been  strongly  arrayed  against  him. 
There  had  been  no  representative  man  of  the  North 
more  signally  the  opponent  of  what  may  be  called 
the  Southern  system  of  thought  and  political  action 
than  Horace  Greeley.  He  had  lived  to  see  this  sys 
tem  utterly  overthrown  and  revolutionized  by  force 
of  arms,  and  in  the  wreck  his  ear  caught  the  cry  of 
human  misery  and  sorrow  that  ever  accompanies 
such  sweeping  changes  in  society,  and  his  kind, 


OF    AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


warm  heart  recognized  the  appeal.  From  the  sur 
render  of  the  Southern  arms  till  the  grave  closed  over 
his  form,  I  believe  the  paramount  object  of  Horace 
Greeley's  life  was  to  bring  his  fellow-countrymen 
into  a  better  understanding  with  each  other,  and 
inaugurate  an  era  of  peace  and  good-will  which. 
should  cement  our  union  of  states,  and  make  Amer 
ican  citizenship  a  tie  of  fraternity  in  all  sections  of 
the  country.  ...  To  reunite  his  countrymen  in 
the  bonds  of  mutual  kindness  and  good  will,  he  sev 
ered  the  ties  of  party  organization  and  became  the 
leader  of  a  political  hope  so  far  as  the  fate  of  the  im 
mediate  canvass  was  concerned.  And  then  he  died. 
But  the  seed  sown  in  a  good  life  did  not  die.  Near 
ly  3,000,000  voters  in  1872,  of  whom  over  ninety  per 
cent,  were  democrats,  responded  to  the  sentiment  for 
which  Mr.  Greeley  struggled."  During  his  senator 
ial  career,  Mr.  Bayard  served  on  a  number  of  the 
leading  committees,  and  was  president  pro  tern,  of  the 
senate  in  1881.  Gradually  his  reputation  became  en 
larged,  until  he  began  to  be  esteemed  as  a  leading 
statesman,  and  one  whose  views  on  great  public 
questions  might  be  relied  upon  implicitly  as  not  be 
ing  in  the  least  tinged  with  partisanship.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  celebrated  electoral  commission  of 
1876,  and  in  1880  and  1884  his  name  was  prominent 
ly  before  the  country  as  a  candidate  for  the  presi 
dency.  On  taking  the  presidential  chair,  Mr.  Cleve 
land  appointed  Mr.  Bayard  secretary  of  state,  and  he 
continued  to  hold  that  office  during  the  Cleveland 
administration.  In  all  the  relations  of  the  state  de 
partment  with  foreign  powers,  under  the  adminis 
tration  of  Mr.  Bayard,  the  country  had  reason  to  ex 
perience  entire  confidence  and  reliance  on  the  talent 
and  skill  with  which  serious  diploma! ic  questions 
were  treated.  On  surrendering  the  portfolio  of  his 
department,  Mr.  Bayard  retired  to  his  home  at  Wil 
mington,  Del.,  where  he  continued  occasionally  to 
practice  his  profession,  while  generally  leading  a 
quiet  and  peaceful  life,  respected  by  all  who  were 
acquainted  with  his  high  career. 

MANNING,  Daniel,  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
was  born  in  Albany,  Aug.  16,  1831.  His  ancestry 
was  mixed — North  of  Ireland,  English  and  Dutch. 
He  was  educated  in  the  public  schools  of  Albany  up  to 
his  twelfth  year,  when  he  left  school  and  took  a  po 
sition  as  "  boy  "  in  the  oflice of  the  Albany  "  Atlas," 
which  afterward  became  the  "Argus,"  and  with 
which  paper  he  continued  a  connection  all  through 
his  life,  eventually  becoming  president  of  the  asso 
ciation  which  published  it,  and  its  executive  propri 
etor.  By  thus  beginning  his  newspaper  work  at  the 
foot  of  the  ladder,  and  climbing  steadily  through  all 
its  degrees  to  its  highest  rank,  Mr.  Manning  thor 
oughly  qualified  himself  in  every  department  both 
to  manage  the  details,  and  exercise  general  supervis 
ion.  Under  his  direction  the  "Argus  "  became  a 
political  power  not  only  in  Albany,  but  in  the  state, 
and,  by  reflection,  upon  the  country.  While  thus 
thoroughly  informing  himself  as  a  journalist,  Mr. 
Manning  studied  politics  as  a  fine  art,  and  became 
an  accomplished  leader,  and  that,  too,  during  a  per 
iod  exceptional  for  the  ability  of  those  who  directed 
the  political  fortunes  of  the  state,  and  also  for  the 
large  number  of  complicated  and  important  ques 
tions  which  it  was  necessary  to  understand.  The 
administrative  powers  of  Mr.  Manning  were  conced 
ed  from  the  beginning  of  his  assuming  a  responsible 
position  on  the  "  Argus."  In  1865  he  was  made  as 
sociate  editor  of  the  paper,  and  took  full  charge  of 
it.  In  1873  Mr.  Cassidy,  who  had  been  the  leading 
spirit  of  the  association,  died.  From  that  time  for 
ward,  Mr.  Manning  was  president  of  the  company. 
In  state  politics  he  had  already  given  evidence  of  re 
markable  ability,  tenacious  force  and  an  aggres 
sive  disposition,  in  his  fight  against  the  Tweed  ring, 


and  in  the  assistance  which  he  gave  to  Samuel  J.  Til- 
den  and  Charles  O'Connor  and  others  within  the 
democratic  party,  who  labored  so  faith  fully  and  ear 
nestly  to  break  up  the  oligarchy  which  would  have 
soon  destroyed  the  party  itself.     By  general  consent 
Mr.  Manning  was  given  the  leadership  of  the  anti- 
ring  forces,  within  "the  democratic  party  in  the  inte 
rior  of  the  state,  and  he  so  successfully  organized 
these  as  to  break  up  the  rings  utterly  in  the  legislat 
ure,  where  they  had  been  able  to  do  the  most  and" 
worst  of  their  mischief.     In  1874  Mr.  Manning  was 
a  member  of  the  democratic  state  convention  at  Syr 
acuse,  which  nominated  Mr.  Tilden  for  governor,  and 
during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Tilden  was  earnest 
in  his  support,  and  himself  originated  and  organized 
many  measures  for  reform  which  met  with  much 
popularity.  This  was  particularly  the  case  in  regard 
to  the  unscrupulous  abuses  which  had  been  planted 
in  the  government  of  the  canals  and  prisons.    These 
he  succeeded  in  placing  on  a  busi 
ness  and  self-sustaining  basis.     In 
1876  Mr.  Manning  controlled  the 
delegation  for  the  state  of  New 
York  to  the  national  democratic 
convention  in  St.  Louis,  and  held 
the  same  position  in  Cincinnati  in 
1880.     He  was  a  member  of  the 
democratic  state  committee  in  1876, 
its  secretary  in  1879  and  1880,  and 
its  chairman    in    1881,   1882  and 
1883.     In  1878  Mr.  Manning  took 
into  partnership  on  the  "Argus," 
as  an  associate,  Mr.  St.  Clair  Mc- 
Kelway,  retaining  for  himself  the 
executive     management    of     the 
paper,  and  the  presidency  of  the      „  /i      ^* 

company.      From  that  time  for-      vl          -  yjf/          •'  *, 
ward,   Mr.  Manning  was  consid-  ~*~ **^f 

ered  to  sustain  the  same  relation 
to  the  democratic  party  of  the  state  which  had 
previously  been  held  by  Dean  Richmond,  and  after 
ward  by  Samuel  J.  Tilden.  The  best  men  of  the 
party  grew  to  confide  in  him  absolutely,  both  in  the 
integrity  of  his  party  loyalty,  and  in  his  intelligence 
and  broad  general  capacity.  Mr.  Manning  himself 
had  the  deepest  confidence  in  the  honesty  and  intel 
ligence  of  the  mass  of  voters,  and  while  he  cared 
very  little  for  the  pretenses  of  local  "bosses,"  hench 
men  and  heelers,  he  was  a  constant  and  severe  work 
er  and  undoubtedly  undermined  his  health  through 
the  persistence  of  his  labors,  which  were  always  re 
sponsible  and  arduous.  Toward  the  end  of  1883,  he 
had  practically  made  up  his  mind  to  retire  altogeth 
er  from  political  life.  Up  to  that  period  he  had  nev 
er  held  any  public  position,  although  frequently 
urged  to  do  so.  In  1884  he  took  a  deep  interest  in 
the  presidential  election,  and  worked  zealously  for 
the  success  of  Mr.  Cleveland,  and  in  the  convention 
of  that  year  was  chairman  of  the  New  York  del 
egation.  When  Mr.  Cleveland  formed  his  cabinet 
in  March,  1885,  he  appointed  Daniel  Manning  secre 
tary  of  the  treasury,  and  he  continued  to  hold  the  po 
sition  for  about  two  years,  during  the  latter  part  of 
which  time,  he  was  in  constant  danger  on  account 
of  the  condition  of  his  health,  which  eventually 
broke  down  altogether,  and  in  April,  1887,  he  re 
signed  his  place  in  the  cabinet.  During  that  sum 
mer  he  recuperated  partially,  and  in  October  of  the 
same  year  accepted  the  presidency  of  the  Bank  of 
New  York.  The  appointment  of  Mr.  Manning  to  so 
important  a  position  in  the  cabinet  as  that  of  secre 
tary  of  the  treasury  was  a  surprise  to  those  who  were 
not  aware  of  his  financial  and  business  capacity  and 
his  experience  in  precisely  the  direction  most  likely 
to  benefit  him  in  his  ad  ministration  of  the  finances  of 
the  country.  He  was  long  a  director  for  the  city  of 
Albany  in  the  Albany  and  Susquehanna  Railway 


16 


THE    NATIONAL    CYCLOPEDIA 


Company.  From  1869  to  1882,  when  he  resigned,  he 
was  a  director  of  the  National  Savings  Bank  of  Al 
bany.  In  1873  he  was  made  a  director  of  the  Nation 
al  Commecial  Bank  of  Albany;  in  1881  its  vice-pres 
ident  and  in  1882  its  president.  He  was  also  a  di 
rector  of  the  Electric  Light  Company  of  Albany.  In 
all  these  large  and  important  business  enterprises,  he 
obtained  an  experience  which,  added  to  his  natural 
gifts,  tended  to  make  him  a  most  efficient  public  of 
ficer.  Mr.  Manning  married,  in  1853,  Mary  Lee,  a 
lady  of  English  parentage,  who  died  in  1882.  They 
had  two  sons  and  two  daughters.  Of  his  sons, 
James  Hilton  Manning,  secretary  and  treasurer  of  a 
large  manufacturing  company  of  Albany,  was  also 
managing  editor  of  the  Albany  "  Sunday  Argus, "  and 
after  his  father's  death,  assumed  the  charge  of  the 
latter's  interest  in  that  paper.  Frederick  Clinton  Man 
ning  established  himself  as  a  stationer  in  Albany. 
Secretary  Manning  died  in  Albany  Dec.  24,  1887. 

FAIBCHILD,  Charles  Stebbins,  secretary  of 
the  treasury,  1887-89,  was  born  in  Cazenovia,  N.  Y., 
Apr.  30,  1842.  His  father  was  Sidney  T.  Fairchild, 
for  many  years  attorney  for  the  New  York  Cen 
tral  R.  R,  and  one  of  the  leading 
men  of  central  New  York.  Young 
Fairchild  studied  at  the  common 
schools  and  at  the  Oneida  Confer 
ence  Seminary  at  Cazenovia,  where 
he  prepared  for  a  university  course, 
and  went  to  Harvard  in  1859,  grad 
uating  in  the  class  of  1863.  He  de 
termined  to  follow  the  legal  pro 
fession,  entered  the  Harvard  Law 
School,  and  completed  the  pre 
scribed  course  in  1865,  receiving 
the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Laws. 
He  then  removed  to  Albany,  where 
he  continued  his  legal  studies, 
and  in  1866  was  admitted  to  the 
bar.  In  1871  he  became  a  mem- 
ber  of  the  law  firm  of  Hand, 
Hale,  Swartz  &  Fairchild,  this 
firm  being  one  of  the  most  suc 
cessful  in  the  business  in  the  state.  He  remain 
ed  a  member  of  this  firm  until  1876,  but  in  the 
meantime,  in  1874,  was  appointed  deputy  attor 
ney-general  of  the  state,  and  in  1875  was  nominated 
by  the  democratic  party  for  the  attorney-generalship, 
and  was  elected,  assuming  the  office  in  the  following 
year.  While  holding  the  position  of  deputy  attorney- 
general,  Mr.  Fairchild  became  exceedingly  popular 
with  his  party,  a  fact  which  secured  him  the  nomi 
nation  for  the  higher  position,  and  which  doubtless 
aided  greatly  in  accomplishing  the  success  of  his 
future  life.  Mr.  Fairchild  displayed  great  skill  in 
handling  the  cases  which  came  under  his  charge, 
especially  so  in  the  instance  of  the  case  of  the  People 
vs.  the  New  York  police  commissioners,  Gardner 
and  Charlick.  During  the  last  two  years  of  his  ser 
vice  as  deputy  attorney-general,  Mr.  Fairchild  was 
more  than  usually  occupied,  and  very  responsibly 
so,  on  account  of  the  reports  of  the  Canal  Investiga 
tion  commission,  and  in  regard  to  all  the  suits  de 
volving  upon  the  law  office  of  the  state,  Mr  Fair- 
child  was  considered  "the  right  arm  of  the  attorney- 
general."  At  the  democratic  state  convention  in 
1875,  his  nomination  for  attorney-general  was  made 
by  acclamation.  In  the  election  which  followed  he 
received  a  majority  of  23,302  over  his  republican 
competitor.  As  attorney- general,  Mr.  Fairchild  be 
came  also  a  commissioner  of  the  land  office,  of  the 
canal  fund,  a  member  of  the  canal  board,  a  member 
of  the  board  of  state  charities,  trustee  of  the  state 
capital,  and  trustee  of  the  state  hall.  At  the  end  of 
his  two  years'  term  of  office  in  1878,  Mr.  Fairchild 
went  to  Europe,  where  he  remained  until  1880.  On 
Ms  return  he  settled  in  New  York  city,  and  devoted 


himself  to  the  practice  of  law  until  1885,  when  Pres 
ident  Cleveland  appointed  him  assistant  secretary  of 
the  treasury.  While  occupying  this  position,  Mr. 
Fairchild  was  freqently  obliged  to  represent  Secre 
tary  Daniel  Manning  as  acting  secretary,  and  when 
the  latter  on  account  of  ill  health  was  obliged  to  re 
sign  his  office,  Apr.  1, 1887,  President  Cleveland  ap 
pointed  Mr.  Fairchild  secretary  of  the  treasury.  He 
continued  to  fill  that  office  until  the  close  of  Mr.  Cleve 
land's  administration  in  March,  1889.  After  retiring 
from  public  life,  Mr.  Fairchild  became  president  of 
the  New  York  Security  and  Trust  Co.  of  New  York 
city.  In  1888  he  received  the  degree  of  LL.D.  from 
Harvard.  Throughout  his  career,  Mr.  Fairchild 
has  occupied  a  position  among  his  fellow-citizens, 
and  among  those  who  know  him,  as  a  man  of  stanch 
intellect,  great  skill  in  handling  important  affnirs, 
remarkable  intellectual  grasp  and  financial  and  busi 
ness  ability.  During  the  latter  part  of  September, 
1889,  Mr.  Fairchild,  in  addressing  a  large  audience 
in  the  hall  of  the  Harlem  Branch  of  the  Young  Men's 
Christian  Association,  spoke  regarding  great  social 
problems  in  large  cities,  and  in  reference  to  these, 
and  illustrating  the  question,  said  of  New  York, 
"The  city  is  the  heel  of  our  American  Achilles,  the 
place  where  our  popular  government  may  be  wound 
ed  to  its  destruction."  Mr.  Fairchild  is  an  able 
speaker  and  a  logical  reasouer,  and  has  been  fre 
quently  called  upon  to  address  public  audiences  on 
occasions  of  moment. 

ENDICOTT,  William  Crowninshield,  secre 
tary  of  war,  was  born  in  Salem,  Mass.,  Nov.  19,  1826. 
He  was  the  son  of  William  Putnam  and  Mary  (Crown 
inshield)  Endicott.  He  is  descended  directly  from 
Gov.  John  Endicott,  who  came  to  Salem  in  1628, 
and  on  his  mother's  side  is  a  grandson  of  the  Hon. 
Jacob  Crowninshield,  who  was  a  well-known  mem 
ber  of  congress  in  the  early  part  of  this  centuiy.  Mr. 
Endicott  was  educated  in  Salem  schools  and  in  1843 
entered  Harvard,  from  which  he  was  graduated 
in  1847.  Soon  after  graduating  he  studied  law 
in  the  office  of  Nathaniel  J.  Lord,  then  the  leading 
member  of  the  Essex  bar,  and  in  the  Harvard  Law 
School  at  Cambridge.  He  was  cal'ed  to  the  bar  in 
1850,  and  began  the  practice  of  law 
in  Salem  in  1851.  He  was  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Salem  common  council 
in  1852,  and  in  1853  he  entered  into 
partnership  with  Jairus  W.  Perry 
(who  is  well  known  throughout  the 
country  as  the  author  of  "Perry 
on  Trusts")  under  the  firm  name 
of  Perry  &  Endicott.  From  1857 
to  1864  he  was  solicitor  of  the  city 
of  Salem.  After  nearly  twenty 
years  of  an  active  and  leading 
practice  at  the  Essex  bar,  in  1873, 
though  a  democrat,  Mr.  Endicott 
was  "appointed  by  a  republican 
governor,  William  B.  Washburn, 
an  associate  justice  of  the  supreme 
judicial  court  of  Massachusetts, 
which  position  he  held  until  the 
autumn  of  1882,  when  he  resigned, 
and  at  this  time  spent  a  year  or 
more  in  Europe.  In  1884  he  was  the  democratic 
candidate  for  governor  of  Massachusetts,  but  was 
defeated.  In  1885  he  became  secretary  of_  war  of 
the  United  States  in  Cleveland's  administration,  and 
held  office  to  the  end  of  Mr.  Cleveland's  term.  Mr. 
Endicott  is  president  of  the  Peabody  Academy  of 
Science  in  Salem,  which  position  he  has  held  since 
1868,  and  is  a  member  of  the  corporation  of  Har 
vard,  and  one  of  the  trustees  of  the  Peabody 
Education  Fund.  He  was  married  Dec.  13,  1859  to 
Ellen,  daughter  of  the  late  George  Peabody,  of  Sa 
lem,  and  has  a  son  and  daughter. 


OF    AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


17 


WHITNEY,  William  Collins,  secretary  of 
the  navy,  was  born  at  Conway,  Mass.,  July  5,  1841, 
a  descendant  in  the  eighth  generation  from  John 
Whitney,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  English  Puritans 
who  settled  in  Watertown,  Mass.,  in  1635.  His  an 
cestors  in  the  male  line  were,  without  exception,  men 
of  unusual  strength  of  character  and  of  prominence 
in  the  communities  in  which  they  lived,  among  them 
being  Brig. -Gen.  Josiah  Whitney,  of  Harvard,  Mass., 
active  in  the  field  during  the  revolution,  and  a  mem 
ber  of  both  the  convention  that  prepared  the  consti 
tution  for  Massachusetts  and  that  which  adopted  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States.  His  father  was 
Brig. -Gen.  James  Scollay  Whitney,  who,  in  1854, 
was  appointed  by  President  Pierce  superintendent  of 
the  U.  S.  armory  at  Springfield,  Mass.,  and  in  1860 
became  collector  of  the  port  of  Boston  on  nomina 
tion  of  President  Buchanan.  Upon  his  mother's 
side,  his  ancestry  goes  back  to  William  Bradford, 
governor  of  Plymouth  colony.  Mr.  Whitney  was 
educated  at  Williston  Seminary,  East  Hampton, 
Mass.,  at  Yale  College,  where  he  was  graduated  in 
1863,  and  at  Harvard  University  Law  School,  which 
he  left  in  1804.  Beginning  practice  in  New  York 
city,  he  was  soon  recognized  as  a  fearless  lawyer 
whose  devotion  to  his  clients  was  indefatigable.  His 
first  appearance  in  public  affairs  took  place  in  1871, 
when  he  was  active  in  organizing  the  young  men's 
democratic  club  of  New  York  city.  In  1872~he  was 
made  inspector  of  schools,  and  at  the  same  time  be 
came  a  leader  of  the  county  democracy  division  of 
the  democratic  party.  In  1875  he  was  appointed 
corporation  counsel  for  the  city  of  New  York,  and 
his  administration  of  the  office  was  distinguished,  it 
has  been  well  said,  "by  reforms  and  economies 
witbin  it  and  by  notable  legal  triumphs  for  the  city 
in  the  courts."  Thirty -eight  hundred  suits  were 
pending,  involving  between  $40,000,000  and  $50,- 
000,000.  He  proceeded  to  reorganize  the  depart 
ment  with  four  bureaus,  and  within  two  years  had 
doubled  the  volume  of  business  disposed  of,  while 
expenses  were  reduced.  He  resigned  the  office  in 
1882,  to  attend  to  personal  interests,  and  March  5, 
1885,  was  appointed  secretary  of  the  navy  by  Presi 
dent  Cleveland.  He  prepared,  in  his  tirst  report  to 
congress,  a  plan  for  the  reorganization  of  that  de 
partment  of  the  government  business,  and  it  was 
afterward  claimed  that  by  the  results  which  fol 
lowed  its  execution,  "for  the  first  time  in  the  history 
of  the  navy  it  has  been  possible  to  prepare  complete 
statement,  by  classes,  of  receipts  and  expenditures 
of  supplies  throughout  the  entire  service,  and  of  the 
total  valuation  of  supplies  on  hand  for  issue  at  all 
shore  stations."  Also  proceeding  vigorously  to  the 
construction  of  the  new  navy,  with  which  his  name 
is  hereafter  to  be  closely  identified,  he  aimed  in  this 
at  restoring  to  the  United  States  the  prestige  as  a  na 
val  power  which  the  country  formerly  enjoyed,  and 
above  all  things  at  making  it  independent  of  the  rest 
of  the  world  for  supplies  in  case  of  war.  When  he  be 
came  secretary  he  found  that  neither  armor,  nor  the 
forgings  for  high-power  guns,  nor  the  rapid-fire  guns 
constituting  the  secondary  battery,  could  be  pro 
duced  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  Resolutely  de 
clining  to  place  any  contracts  abroad,  and  stipulating 
for  American  production  in  every  instance,  there 
necessarily  was  a  considerable  delay  in  beginning 
the  new  ships;  but  in  1887,  by  embracing  in  one  con 
tract  all  the  armor  and  gun  steel  authorized  by  the 
two  previous  congresses,  he  induced  the  Bethlehem 
Iron  Works  to  assume  the  expenditure  for  new 
plant  of  four  or  five  million  dollars,  and  had  the 
satisfaction  of  securing  all  that  the  government 
needed  from  a  home  institution — the  largest  and 
finest  of  the  kind  in  the  world — and  of  better  qual 
ity  than  had  ever  before  been  produced  anywhere. 
American  citizens  and  shipbuilders  were  invited  to 


submit  designs  and  models  for  the  new  vessels,  con 
struction  by  private  parties  was  especially  stimulated 
on  the  Pacific  coast,  and  as  a  supplement  to  all  this 
the  navy-yards  at  New  York  and  Norfolk,  Va.,  were 
also  equipped  for  steel  and  iron  shipbuilding  of 
every  type  and  size.  When  he  retired  from  office  in 
1889,  the  vessels  of  the  U.  S.  navy  designed  and  con 
tracted  for  by  him,  then  finished  or  in  process  of 
construction,  consisted  of  five  monitors,  double-tur- 
reted,  and  two  new  armor-clads,  besides  the  dyna 
mite  cruiser  Vesuvius,  and  five  uuarmored  steel  and 
iron  cruisers,  i.  e.,  the  Newark,  Charleston,  Balti 
more,  Philadelphia,  and  San  Francisco.  In  addition 
there  were  three,  then  unnamed,  armored  cruisers 
and  four  gunboats,  two  of  the  latter  having  been 
launched  in  1888.  He  also  contracted  for  a  torpedo- 
boat,  and  purchased  the  Stiletto,  to  be  used  in  prac 
tice  at  the  U.  S.  torpedo  station.  The  vessels  enu 
merated  were  exclusive  of  the  steel  and  iron  vessels 
of  the  old  navy  so-called.  The  following  tribute  was 
paid  to  him  by  Senator  Preston  B.  Plumb  of  Kansas, 
a  political  opponent,  in  a  speech  in  the  senate  on 
Feb.  12, 1889:  "I  am  glad  to  say  in  the  closing  hours 
of  Mr.  Whitney's  administration  that  the  affairs  of 
his  department  have  been  well  administered.  They 
have  not  only  been  wrell  admin 
istered  in  the  sense  that  every 
thing  has  been  honestly  and  faith 
fully  done,  but  there  has  been  a 
stimulus  given,  so  far  as  it  could 
be  done  by  executive  direction, 
to  the  production  of  the  best  types 
of  ships  and  the  highest  form  of 
manufacture,  and,  more  than  all 
that,  to  the  encouragement  of  the 
inventive  genius  of  our  people 
and  to  the  performance  of  all 
possible  work,  not  in  navy-yards, 
where  they  might  be  most  surely 
made  the  instrument  of  political 
strength,  but  in  private  shipyards 
and  manufactories,  to  the  effect 
that  we  have  got  to-day  enlisted  in 
this  good  work  of  building  the 
American  navy  not  only  the  navy 
department  backed  by  congress,  but  we  have  got  the 
keen  competition  of  American  manufactories  and 
the  inventive  genius  of  all  our  people,  so  that  we  may 
confidently  expect  not  only  the  best  results  but  great 
improvement  each  year.  I  am  glad  to  say  that  dur 
ing  the  past  four  years  the  navy  department  has 
been  administered  in  a  practical,  level-headed,  judi 
cious  way,  and  the  result  is  such  that  I  am  prepared 
to  believe  and  to  say  that  within  ten  years  we  shall 
have  the  best  navy  in  the  world."  Mr.  Whitney  was 
the  leader  of  the  Cleveland  forces  in  the  national 
democratic  convention  of  1892,  and  showed,  by  his 
skill  in  outgeneraling  the  older  politicians,  all  the 
qualities  of  a  born  leader  and  organizer.  His  ability 
to  command  and  hold  the  respect  of  men  of  every 
shade  of  opinion  gave  him  the  position  of  harmoni- 
zer,  his  judgment  being  deferred  to  when  differences 
arose.  Mr.  Whitney  was  married  in  1869  to  Flora 
Payne,  daughter  of  Henry  B.  Payne,  senator  from 
Ohio,  and  their  house  in  Washington,  one  of  the 
finest  in  the  capital,  was  a  social  centre  of  great  at 
traction.  In  1888  Yale  conferred  upon  him  the 
honorary  degree  of  LL.D. 

GARLAND,  Augustus  Hill,  United  States 
attorney-general,  was  born  in  Tipton  county,  Tenn., 
June  11,  1832.  He  received  his  education  at  St. 
Mary's  College,  Lebanon,  Ky.,  and  at  St.  Joseph's 
College,  Bardstown  ,  Ky.  Mr.  Garland  studied 
law,  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1853,  and  prac 
ticed  law  in  Washington,  Ark.,  for  three  years, 
when  he  removed  to  Little  Rock,  Ark.  He  was 
admitted  to  practice  as  an  attorney  and  counsel- 


18 


THE    NATIONAL    CYCLOPAEDIA 


or  in  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  in 
1860,  and  took  the  official  oath  of  that  day.  He 
entered  political  life  as  a  whig,  and  was  an  elector 
on  the  Bell  and  Everett  ticket.  His  first  public  posi 
tion  was  that  of  delegate  to  the  convention  called 
by  his  state  to  consider  her  relations  with  the  Fed 
eral  Union  after  Mr.  Lincoln's  election.  He  was 
chosen  as  a  Union  delegate,  but  after  the  war  began 
he  favored  secession  and  voted 
for  the  secession  ordinance.  He 
was  elected  a  member  of  the  Con 
federate  provisional  congress, 
which  assembled  at  Montgom 
ery,  Ala.,  in  1861,  Arkansas  be 
ing  admitted  as  a  state  in  May 
of  that  year;  and  he  was  also  a 
member  of  the  house  of  repre 
sentatives  of  the  first  congress  of 
the  Confederate  states,  and  then 
a  member  of  the  senate,  where  he 
remained  until  the  end  of  the 
war.  After  the  war  he  showed 
his  desire  to  use  his  powers  in  as 
sisting  to  restore  the  Federal  re 
lations,  and  received  a  full  par 
don  from  President  Johnson  in 
1865,  on  condition  that  he  would 
support  the  United  States  con 
stitution,  and  obey  the  laws  abol 
ishing  slavery.  He  undertook  to  renew  his  prac 
tice  in  the  supreme  court,  but  was  not  permitted  to 
do  so,  according  to  act  of  congress  passed  on  Jan. 
24,  1865,  requiring  all  attorneys  and  counselors  to 
take  the  "Iron-clad"  oath,  prescribed  by  the  act  of 
July  2,  1862.  Mr.  Garland  filed  a  brief  in  his  own 
behalf,  in  a  case  he  instituted  to  test  the  constitu 
tionality  of  that  act,  employing  as  his  counsel  Rev- 
erdy  Johnson  and  M.  H.  Carpenter.  He  argued  the 
case  himself  in  a  masterly  manner,  for  which  he  re 
ceived  high  credit,  and  the  decision  was  in  his  favor. 
He  was  elected  to  the  United  States  senate  in  1866, 
but  was  not  permitted  to  take  his  seat.  In  1874  he 
was  for  a  time  acting  secretary  of  state  for  Arkansas 
when  the  carpet-bag  rule  was  overthrown,  and  in 
the  same  year  was  "elected  governor  of  that  state. 
He  found  the  treasury  bankrupt,  and  the  financial 
standing  of  the  state  in  the  lowest  possible  condition. 
It  was  with  much  hard  work  and  a  great  deal  of  op 
position  that  he  finally  succeeded  in  settling  all  dif 
ferences,  and  placing  matters  on  a  firm  financial 
basis.  He  was  elected  to  the  United  States  senate 
without  opposition  in  1876,  succeeding  Powell  Clay 
ton,  becoming  a  member  of  the  judiciary  commit 
tee,  and  was  re-elected  without  opposition,  serv 
ing  until  1885,  when  President  Cleveland  appointed 
him  attorney-general  of  the  United  States,  which 
position  he  retained  until  the  close  of  that  adminis 
tration,  when  he  returned  to  the  practice  of  law. 
Senator  Garland's  steady  perseverance  and  keen  ex 
ecutive  ability  early  ranked  him  with  the  best  law 
yers  of  his  state,  and  promised  him  a  famous  future, 
which  his  subsequent  brilliant  and  successful  career 
has  amply  fulfilled.  In  society  he  is  genial  though 
unassuming,  and  his  conversation  is  agreeably  inter 
spersed  with  a  variety  of  anecdote  and  humor.  He 
was  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago  convention  of  1892, 
and  supported  the  nomination  of  his  former  chief. 

VILAS,  William  Freeman,  secretary  of  the  in 
terior,  postmaster-general,  and  senator,  was  born  July 
9,  1840,  at  Chelsea,  Vt.,  the  son  of  Levi  B.  and 
Esther  G.  (Smilie)  Vilas.  His  grandfather,  Moses 
Vilas,  migrated,  toward  the  end  of  the  last  cen 
tury,  from  Connecticut  to  the  Sterling  mountain  in 
Vermont,  near  the  top  of  which  he  subdued  to  hus 
bandry  800  acres  of  its  forest-covered  sides.  Tradi 
tionary  tales  yet  survive,  in  the  locality,  of  his  deeds 


and  sayings  illustrative  of  the'hardy  daring  and  un 
flinching  steadfastness  for  which  he  was  remarkable. 
Nathan  Smilie,  his  maternal  grandfather,  was  also  a 
man  beyond  the  ordinary  type,  acute  in  intellect, 
yet  broad  and  wise  in  mind,  a  leader  of  his  party  in 
the  state,  and  long  useful  in  her  legislative  service. 
Though  born  and  reared  in  a  mountain  farmhouse, 
Levi  B.  Vilas  inherited  too  much  spirit  and  ambition 
to  brook  the  limitations  of  such  a  life,  and,  when 
but  sixteen,  set  out  on  foot  to  the  academy  at  Ran 
dolph,  a  distance  of  sixty  miles,  where  by  diligent 
study  he  laid  the  foundation  of  his  success  in  man 
hood  as  a  lawyer,  a  legislator  »nd  a  citizen.  Hav 
ing  won  a  comfortable  independence  he  removed 
with  his  family  to  Madison,  Wis.,  selecting  this 
location  with  a  view  to  the  education  of  his  children, 
and  five  of  his  sons  subsequently  took  degrees  at  the 
State  University  in  that  city.  The  family  arrived  in 
Madison,  June  4,  1851,  after  a  journey  from  Mil 
waukee  in  a  white  covered  wagon.  In  September 
of  that  year  at  the  first  session  of  the  university, 
William  was  entered  in  the  preparatory  department. 
He  took  his  degree  in  the  regular  classical  course  in 
1858.  He  was  reputed  a  good  student,  yet  active 
also  in  the  societies  and  sports  of  the  college  acd 
popular  with  his  fellows.  In  1859  he  took  a  course 
of  instruction  in  a  commercial  school,  and  in  the 
meantime  began  the  study  of  law.  He  then  went 
to  the  Albany  Law  School,  was  grad 
uated  in  May,  1360,  and  admitted  to 
the  bar  of  New  York.  Returning 
home,  he  was  admitted  to  the  Wis 
consin  bar  by  the  supreme  court,  and, 
in  June,  while  yet  not  twenty,  argued 
before  that  tribunal  his  first  case. 
July  9th  he  formed  with  Charles  T. 
Wakeley  the  partnership  of  Wake- 
ley  &  Vilas,  to  which,  at  the  begin 
ning  of  1862,  Eleazar  Wakeley  was 
received  as  senior  member.  His  pro 
fessional  beginnings  were  promising, 
but  the  call  to  the  civil  war  became  too 
urgent  for  denial.  He  had  drilled  with 
Col.  Ellsworth,  was  then  captain  of  the 
"Madison  Zouaves,"  and  in  July, 
1862,  tendered  his  services  to  Gov. 
Salomon,  who  urged  him  to  raise  a  company.  He 
called  and  conducted  a  series  of  war  meetings,  still 
remembered  for  the  patriotic  fervor  educed,  and  in 
a  few  days  he  formed  company  A  of  the  23d  Wis 
consin  regiment  which  was  sent  in  September  to  Cov- 
ington,  Ky.,  and  thence  to  Memphis,  to  join  Sher 
man  in  his  expedition  against  Vicksburg.  While  at 
Memphis  he  was  attacked  with  typhoid  fever,  and 
would  doubtless  have  lost  his  life  but  for  the  kind 
ness  of  a  cousin,  resident  in  the  city,  the  late  Ira  M. 
Hill,  who  took  care  of  him,  regardless  of  the  conse 
quences  should  the  city  be  retaken  by  the  Confeder 
ates.  So  soon  as  convalescent,  he  went  to  his  regi 
ment  and  sustained  with  his  comrades  the  miseries 
of  camp  life  at  Young's  Point  and  Milliken's  Bend, 
and  the  toils  and  joys  of  the  campaign  of  Vicksburg. 
He  was  promoted  to  be  major  and  then  lieutenant-col 
onel  of  the  regiment,  while  at  Milliken's  Bend.  He 
participated  in  the  battles  of  Port  Gibson,  Champion 
Hill,  Black  River  Bridge,  the  assaults  at  Vicksburg, 
and  during  nearly  all  of  the  siege  was  in  immediate 
command  of  his  regiment.  The  day  following  the 
surrender  he  marched  with  the  army  \mder  Sher- 
mon  in  pursuit  of  Johnston  and,  after  sharing  the 
week's  environment  of  Jackson,  on  its  evacuation 
returned  to  Vicksburg.  Thence,  still  in  command 
of  his  regiment,  he  was  sent  to  Carrollton  near  New 
Orleans,  where,  after  some  weeks'  idleness,  in  view 
of  the  unfavorable  prospect  for  the  further  service 
of  the  regiment  and  pressed  by  the  necessities  of  his 
father  who  was  involved  in  a  litigation,  which,  if 


OF    AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 


19 


unfortunate  in  result,  might  have  ruined  him,  Col. 
Vilas  resigned  and  returned  home.  In  1865  he 
settled  down  to  professional  practice,  and  on  Jan. 
3,  I860,  was  married  to  Anna  M.  Fox,  daughter  of 
Dr.  Win.  H.  Fox,  an  early  settler  and  one  of  the 
most  influential  men  of  Wisconsin.  Thenceforward, 
his  practice  rapidly  increased  and  his  income  secured 
him  in  a  few  years  a  moderate  fortune.  From  1872 
to  1881  Edwin  E.  Bryant,  now  dean  of  the  law  fac 
ulty  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  was  his  law 
partner,  and  during  the  latter  part  of  this  period, 
his  brother,  Edward  P.  Vilas,  now  of  Milwaukee, 
was  also  a  member  of  the  tirm.  He  was  appointed 
by  the  state  supreme  court  to  edit  a  new  edition  of 
its  law  reports,  in  which  work  his  partner  was  asso 
ciated,  and  the  first  twenty  volumes  of  the  "Wis 
consin  Reports,"  except  two  annotated  by  Chief  Jus 
tice  Dixon,  were  republished  with  "Vilas  and  Bry 
ant's  Notes."  In  1875  the  supreme  court  appointed 
him  one  of  the  revisers  of  the  general  statutes,  who, 
after  three  years'  labor,  reported  the  revision  adopted 
in  1878  and  still  in  force,  which  will  compare  favor 
ably  with  any  similar  work  in  the  country.  In  1868, 
on  t  he  opening  of  the  law  school  of  the  University 
of  Wisconsin,  Col.  Vilas  was  appointed  a  professor 
of  law  and  regularly  lectured  for  seventeen  years. 
He  was  also  regent  of  the  university  from  1880  to 
1885.  Since  1860  Senator  Vilas  has  taken  part  on  the 
stump  in  every  political  campaign,  as  a  democrat, 
has  often  represented  his  locality  in  state  conventions 
and  was  a  delegate  from  the  state  to  the  national 
conventions  of  1876,  1880,  and  1884;  permanent 
chairman  of  the  convention  in  1884;  chairman  of 
the  committee  of  notification,  and  made  the  official 
addresses  to  the  nominees,  Mr.  Cleveland  and  Mr. 
Hendricks.  He  was  the  Wisconsin  member  of  the 
national  committee  from  1876  to  1886.  In  1884  he 
accepted  a  nomination  to  the  legislature  and  was 
elected  with  little  opposition.  While  in  the  legislat 
ure,  President  Cleveland  invited  him  to  his  cabinet 
as  postmaster-general,  on  which  office  he  entered 
March  7,  1885,  and,  upon  the  advancement  of  Mr. 
Justice  Lamar  to  the  supreme  court,  appointed  him 
secretary  of  the  interior,  in  which  capacity  he  served 
from  Jan.  16,  1888,  to  March  6,  1889.  In  the  post- 
office  department,  the  distinguishing  features  of  his 
service  were  the  establishment  of  improved  business 
methods  in  some  of  the  divisions;  economy  of  man 
agement  by  substantial  diminishment  of  proportional 
cost  with  large  increase  of  service,  conspicuously 
marked  in  the  acceptance  by  congress  of  his  esti 
mates  of  the  second  year,  amounting  to  $57,000,000, 
without  alteration  (an  event  so  unusual  that  the 
committee  of  the  house  remarked  upon  it  in  their 
report),  the  complete  revision  of  the  postal  laws  and 
regulations,  personally  preparing  the  scheme  and 
arrangement,  and  carefully  supervising  all  the  de 
tails;  the  increased  expedition  of  overland  mails, 
and  the  improvement  of  the  foreign  mail  service,  for 
which  he  received  an  elaborate  written  testimonial 
of  thanks  signed  by  the  great  importing  and  com 
mercial  houses  of  New  York;  a  new  treaty  with 
Mexico  and  a  postal  arrangement  with  Canada,  by 
which  letter  and  paper  mail  transmission  throughout 
the  North  American  continent  was  opened  to  our  cit 
izens  at  the  same  rates  as  for  domestic  service,  and 
the  inauguration  of  parcel  post  conventions  with 
foreign  countries  for  the  transmission  of  articles  of 
merchandise  not  exceeding  eleven  pounds  weight. 
He  refused  to  expend  the  appropriation  made  at  the 
close  of  the  48th  congress  for  ocean  mail  subsidies, 
which  drew  hot  controversy  upon  him,  but  the  next 
house  sustained  him  by  more  than  a  two-thirds  ma 
jority.  The  business  of  the  interior  department  was 
largely  in  arrears,  and  Secretary  Vilas  began  the 
attempt  to  relieve  those  having  affairs  so  involved 
by  working  off  the  accumulations,  and,  by  intro 


ducing  better  modes  of  consideration  in  the  law 
division,  caused  to  be  decided  as  many  land  appeals 
during  his  service  as  had  been  disposed  of  in  the 
previous  four  years,  besides  gains  in  other  offices, 
but  the  political  result  of  1888  prevented  the  execu 
tion  of  his  purposes.  On  Mr.  Cleveland's  retire 
ment,  he  returned  home  and  resumed  his  profes 
sional  practice.  During  the  state  campaign  of  1890 
he  spoke  daily  for  several  weeks  at  many  different 
points.  The  result  of  the  election  enabled  the  dem 
ocrats  to  choose,  after  thirty-five  years'  interruption, 
a  United  States  senator,  and  so  general  was  the 
favor  toward  Mr.  Vilas  that  in  the  caucus  of  eighty- 
five  votes  he  received  every  one  on  the  first  ballot, 
and  was  formally  elected  by  the  legislature,  Jan. 
28th,  for  the  six  years'  term  beginning  March  4,  1891. 
Senator  Vilas  has  distinguished  himself  as  an  orator 
in  various  public  addresses,  especially  in  responding 
to  a  toast  in  honor  of  Gen.  Grant,  "Our  first  Com 
mander,"  at  the  banquet  of  the  Society  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  at  Chicago,  in  1879.  In  his  do 
mestic  life  he  has  enjoyed  unusual  felicity  in  a  wife 
of  great  amiability  and  excellence;  they  have  three 
children. 

DICKINSON,  Don  Manuel,  postmaster-gen 
eral,  was  born  Jan.  17,  1846,  at  Port  Ontario,  Oswego 
Co.,  N.  Y.  His  ancestors  were  among  the  early  set 
tlers  of  Massachusetts,  and  his  father  and  grandfa 
ther  natives  of  the  state.  The 
first  of  the  family  who  came 
to  America  was  John  Dickin 
son,  a  member  of  the  Conti 
nental  congress  of  1774,  presi 
dent  of  the  executive  council, 
and  one  of  the  founders  of 
Dickinson  College,  Carlisle, 
Pa. ,  to  whom  Jonathan  Dick 
inson,  chief  justice  of  the  prov 
ince  of  Pennsylvania  in  1719, 
was  also  related  in  the  direct 
line.  The  father  of  Mr.  Dick 
inson  in  1820  explored  the 
shores  of  lakes  Erie,  Huron 
and  Michigan  in  a  birch-bark 
canoe,  and  in  1848  removed 
to  Michigan,  settling  in  St.  ,  -^^-  Q  f 

Clair  county,  where  his  son  /TV  .  JL  ' 
received  his  primary  education  ^ek^i^^/U^-t^ 
in  the  public  schools.  Having 
passed  through  those  of  Detroit  also,  he  took  a  year's 
instruction  with  a  private  teacher, and  enteriugthe  law 
department  of  the  University  of  Michigan,  was  grad 
uated  before  reaching  his  majority.  The  interval 
prior  to  his  admission  to  the  bar  he  spent  in  study 
ing  the  management  of  cases  and  the  practical  ap 
plication  of  the  philosophy  and  logic  of  law.  In 
1867  he  entered  upon  a  successful  and  lucrative  prac 
tice,  being  concerned  in  all  of  the  leading  cases  under 
the  bankruptcy  act  of  that  year.  In  October,  1887,  he 
was  also,  in  association  with  Senator  Edmunds,  coun 
sel  for  Drawbaugh  in  the  great  telephone  case.  From 
1875  to  1880  he  Was  associated  with.Levi  T.  Griffin, 
in  the  firm  of  Griffin  &  Dickinson,  and  from  1880  to 
1883  in  that  of  Griffin,  Dickinson,  Thurber  &  Hos- 
mer.  In  1872  he  entered  political  life,  and  in  1876, 
as  chairman  of  the  state  democratic  central  com 
mittee,  conducted  the  Tilden  campaign,  being 
brought  into  close  relations  with  that  statesman 
until  his  death.  As  member  of  the  national  demo 
cratic  committee  in  1884-85,  he  enjoyed  the  full  con 
fidence  and  esteem  of  President  Cleveland,  who  in 
1888  called  him  to  a  seat  in  his  cabinet,  being  the 
fourth  representative  of  Michigan  to  be  honored  thus. 
On  retiring  from  public  office  he  resumed  the  prac 
tice  of  law,  which  he  carries  on  at  Detroit  in  the  firm 
of  Dickinson,  Thurber  &  Stevenson.  In  1869  he 
married  Frances  L.  Platt. 


20 


NATIONAL   PORTEAIT    GALLERY. 


and  many  others  of  the  most  eminent  men  of  Ameri 
ca.  Young  Lament's  father  was  a  well-to-do  farmer, 
and  the  boy,  after  having  studied  in  the  Cortland 
Normal  College,  was  sent  to  Union  College,  Scheuec- 
tady,  N.  Y.,  but  did  not  graduate.  He  left  college 
before  the  end  of  the  course  in  order  to  enter  the 
profession  of  journalism,  for  which  he  possessed 
both  taste  and  predilection.  He  purchased  an  inter 
est  in  the  "  Democrat,"  a  paper  published  at  the 
county-seat  of  his  native  county,  and  became  its  edi 
tor,  at  the  same  time  interest 
ing  himself  warmly  in  politics. 
In  1870  he  was  appointed  en 
grossing  clerk  to  the  New 
York  state  assembly,  and  was 
chief  clerk  in  the  secretary  of 
state's  department  with  John 
Bigelow.  For  a  time  the  young 
man  held  a  position  on  the  staff 
of  the  Albany  "Argus,"  and 
he  thus  became  known  to 
many  of  the  most  influential 
politicians  of  the  state.  When 
Grover  Cleveland  was  elected 
governor  of  New  York,  he 
met  young  Lamont;  and,  hav 
ing  had  occasion  to  make  use 
of  his  knowledge  and  ability 
in  the  preparation  of  his  first 
message,  offered  him  an  hon 
orary  position  on  his  military 
staff,  which  gave  him  the  title  of  colonel,  by  which 
he  has  ever  since  been  known.  Gov.  Cleveland 
next  appointed  Lamont  his  private  secretary,  in 
which  position  the  latter  made  himself  so  useful 
and  valuable,  that  when  Mr.  Cleveland  became 
president  he  took  Lamont  with  him  to  the  White 
House.  As  private  secretary  to  the  president,  Mr. 
Lamont  gained  the  reputation  of  smoothing  the 
paths  of  those  who  visited  the  executive  mansion, 
while  lightening  the  burden  of  Mr.  Cleveland  as 
probably  no  other  man  could  possibly  have  done.  It 
followed  that  he  became  universally  popular,  while 
winning  the  highest  encomiums  for  his  judgment, 
acuteness,  serenity,  and  loyalty.  At  the  close  of  the 
Cleveland  administration  Mr.  Lamont  formed  im 
portant  business  relations  with  a  syndicate  of  capi 
talists,  and  has  continued  ever  since  to  be  engaged 
in  the  management  of  valuable  interests.  Mr.  La 
mont  married  a  Miss  Kinney  of  his  native  town,  and 
has  two  daughters.  It  was  Mr. 
Lamont,  who,  when  private  sec 
retary  to  Gov.  Cleveland,  orig 
inated  the  phrase, "  Public  office 
a  public  trust."  He  used  this 
as  a  headline  in  compiling  a 
pamphlet  of  Mr.  Cleveland's 
speeches  and  addresses.  The 
expression  used  by  Mr.  Cleve 
land  was,  "Public  officials  are 
the  trustees  of  the  people."  and 
it  was  employed  in  his  letter  ac 
cepting  the  nomination  for  the 
office  of  mayor  of  Buffalo. 

STEVENSON,  Adlai  Ew- 
ing,  assistant  postmaster-gen 
eral,  was  born  in  Christian  coun 
ty,  Ky.,  Oct.  23,  1835,  and  re 
ceived  his  preliminary  educa 
tion  in  the  common  schools  of 
his  native  county.  Later  he 
entered  Center  College  at  Dan 
ville,  and  when  he  was  sixteen 
years  old  removed  with  his  fa 
ther's  family  to  Bloomington, 
111.,  where  he  studied  law  and 
was  admitted  to  the  bar.  In 


1859  he  settled  at  Metamora,  Woodford  Co.,  111., 
and  engaged  in  the  practice  of  his  profession.  Here 
he  remained  for  ten  years,  during  which  time  he 
was  master  in  chancery  of  the  circuit  court  for  four 
years,  and  district-attorney  for  a  like  period.  The 
conspicuous  ability  with  which  he  discharged  the 
duties  of  these  responsible  offices  attracted  the  fav 
orable  attention  of  the  people  of  the  state,  and  in 
1864  he  was  nominated  by  the  democratic  party  for 
presidential  elector.  In  the  interest  of  Gen.  McClel- 
lan,  the  nominee  of  his  party  for 
the  presidency,  he  canvassed  the 
entire  state,  speaking  in  every 
county.  At  the  expiration  of  his 
term  of  office  as  district  attorney 
in  1869,  he  returned  to  Blooming- 
ton  and  formed  a  law  partnership 
with  J.  S.  Ewiug,  which  still  ex 
ists.  The  firm  has  an  extensive 
practice  in  the  state  and  federal 
courts  and  is  considered  one  of  the 
leading  law  firms  in  the  central 
portion  of  the  state.  Mr.  Steven 
son  was  nominated  for  congress 
by  the  democrats  of  Bloomington 
district  in  1874.  The  district  had 
been  safely  republican  by  an  al 
most  invariable  majority  of  3,000. 
His  opponent  was  Gen.  McNulta, 
one  of  the  leading  republican  ora 
tors  of  the  state.  The  canvass  was  a 
remarkable  one,  the  excitement  at  times  resulting  in 
intense  personal  antagonisms  between  the  friends  of 
the  candidates.  Mr.  Stevenson  was  successful.  His 
majority  in  the  district  exceeded  1,200.  He  was  in 
congress  during  the  exciting  scenes  incident  to  the 
Tilden-Hayes  contest  in  1876.  His  party  renominat- 
ed  him  for  congress  a  second  time.  In  this  contest 
he  was  defeated,  but  in  1878,  having  been  nominated 
for  the  third  time,  he  was  again  elected,  increasing 
his  majority  in  the  district  to  2,000.  At  the  expira 
tion  of  his  second  congressional  term  he  resumed  the 
practice  of  law  in  Bloomington.  He  was  a  delegate 
to  the  democratic  national  convention  of  1884  in 
Chicago,  and  after  the  election  of  Cleveland  as  presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  was  appointed  first  assist 
ant  postmaster-general,  the  duties  of  which  are  very 
exacting.  During  his  incumbency  of  this  office  he 
removed  over  40,000  fourth-class  postmasters,  chief 
ly  because  they  were  republicans,  replacing  them 
wTith  members  of  his  own  party. 

His  democratic  habits  and  man-      

ners,  his  affability  and  invari 
able  courtesy  created  a  host  of 
friends  for  him.  Mr.  Stevenson 
married  a  daughter  of  the  late 
Rev.  Dr.  Lewis  W.  Green,  pres 
ident  of  Center  College  in  Dan 
ville,  Ky.,  December,  1866.  He 
has  four  children,  one  son  and 
three  daughters,  all  of  whom  are 
living.  After  retiring  from  the 
office  of  the  first  assistant  post 
master-general  at  the  expiration 
of  Mr.  Cleveland's  term,  Mr. 
Stevenson  returned  to  Bloom 
ington,  where  he  still  lives.  Mr. 
Hayes,  in  1877,  appointed  Mr. 
Stevenson  a  member  of  the  board 
to  inspect  the  Military  Academy 
at  West  Point.  Mr.  Stevenson 
was  chosen  as  one  of  the  dele- 
gates-at-large  to  the  national 
democratic  convention  in  Chi 
cago  in  1892,  and  was  serving  in 
that  capacity  when  nominated 
for  the  vice-presidency. 


NATIONAL    I'OKTRAIT    GALLERY. 


21 


G<1> <&< 


LAMAR,  Lucixis  (Juintius  Cincinnatus, 
secretary  of  the  interior  and  associate  justice  of  the 
U.  S.  supreme  court,  was  bom  in  Putnam  county, 
Ga.,  Sept.  17,  1825,  of  Huguenot  ancestry.  His  fa 
ther,  who  bore  the  same  name,  was  a  lawyer  and 
jurist  of  eminence,  an  eloquent  speaker,  and  a  man 
of  fine  personal  qualities.  He  re 
vised  Clayton's  "Georgia  Jus 
tice"  in  1819,  compiled  "The 
Laws  of  Georgia  from  1810  to 
1819,"  and  was  elected  judge  of 
the  superior  court  of  Georgia  in 
1830:  he  died  in  1834,  at  the  early 
age  of  thirty-seven.  Mirabeau 
Buonaparte  Lamar,  his  uncle,  a 
native  of  Georgia,  was  a  major- 
general  in  the  war  for  Texan  in 
dependence,  attorney  -  general, 
secretary  of  war,  and  from  1838 
to  1841  president  of  the  repub 
lic  of  Texas.  He  joined  Gen. 
Taylor's  army  in  the  Mexican 
war  in  1846,  and  was  afterward 
minister  resident  to  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica.  After 
his  father's  death,  the  subject  of  this  sketch  was  taken 
to  Oxford,  Miss.,  where  lie  obtained  his  early  educa 
tion.  He  then  entered  Emory  College,  Ga.,  and  was 
graduated  in  1845.  He  studied  law  in  Macon,  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1847,  returned  to  Oxford  in 
1849,  and  held  the  position  of  adjunct  professor  of 
mathematics  in  the  University  of  Mississippi  for  two 
years.  He  then  resigned  the  position  to  engage  in 
the  practice  of  law  at  Covington,  Ga.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  legislature  in  1853,  but  the  following 
year  returned  to  Mississippi,  settling  on  his  planta 
tion  at  Lafayette.  In  1857  he  was  chosen  a  member 
of  congress  by  the  democratic  party,  serving  in  that 
body  until  1860,  when  he  withdrew  to  take  part  in 
the  secession  convention  of  Mississippi.  He  entered 
the  Confederate  army  as  lieutenant-colonel  of  a  Mis 
sissippi  regiment,  of  which  he  soon  became  colonel, 
and  participated  in  some  of  the  leading  engagements 
with  the  army  of  northern  Virginia.  Being  com 
pelled  to  leave  the  military  service  oil  account  of 
his  health  he  was  sent  as  a  commissioner  to  Russia. 
He  arrived  there  in  1863,  but  circumstances  render 
ed  a  successful  mission  impossible.  He  returned 
to  Mississippi,  and  in  1866  was  chosen  to  the  chair  of 
political  economy  and  social  science  in  the  University 
of  Mississippi.  The  next  year  he  was  transferred  to 
the  chair  of  law.  After  a  short  but  successful  expe 
rience  he  returned  to  the  prac 
tice  of  his  profession.  In  1872 
he  was  again  elected  a  repre 
sentative  in  congress,  which 
he  had  left  thirteen  years  be 
fore,  and  his  disability,  on  ac 
count  of  having  borne  arms 
against  the  Union,  was  remov 
ed  after  his  election.  For  the 
first  time  since  the  opening  of 
the  civil  war  the  national  house 
of  representatives  had  a  demo 
cratic  majority.  Mr.  Lamar 
was  chosen  to  preside  over  a 
democratic  caucus,  and  on  that 
occasion  delivered  an  able  and 
noteworthy  address,  outlining  the  policy  of  his 
party.  His  unquestioned  ability  soon  gained  him  a 
national  reputation  as  a  statesman.  In  March,  1874, 
he  pronounced  in  the  house  a  fervid  and  discriminat 
ing  eulogy  on  the  life  and  character  of  Charles  Sum- 
ner,  which  not  only  pleased  the  radical  anti-slavery 
sentiment  in  New  England,  but  was  such  a  master 
piece  of  oratory  as  not  to  displease  the  radical  ele 
ment  of  the  South.  In  what  is  called  a  "set  speech," 
Justice  Lamar  probably  has  few  superiors,  always 


expressing  himself  with  dignity  and  facility.  He  was 
elected  to  the  U.  S.  senate,  and  took  his  seat  March  5, 
1877.  He  became  devotedly  interested  in  public  im 
provements,  especially  those  of  the  Mississippi  river 
and  the  Texas  Pacifie*Railroad.  Hespoke  rarely,  but 
eloquently  and  forcibly,  on  the  leading  questions  of 
legislation,  exercising  at  all  times  independence  of 
thought  and  action.  In  the  forty-fifth  congress  he  cast 
a  vote  on  the  currency  question  against  the  instruction 
of  the  legislature  of  his  state,  then  boldly  appealed  to 
the  people,  and  was  triumphantly  sustained.  In  both 
branches  of  congress  he  insisted  that,  as  integral 
members  of  the  federal  Union,  the  states  in  the 
South  have  equal  rights  with  other  states,  and  hence 
they  are  bound  by  duty  and  interest  "  to  look  to  the 
general  welfare,  and  support  the  honor  and  credit  of 
a  common  country."  On  March  5,  1885,  Senator 
Lamar  became  secretary  of  the  interior  in  the  cab 
inet  of  President  Cleveland.  In  this  position  he 
delivered  a  number  of  important  opinions  affecting 
public  lands.  He  retired  from  the  cabinet  Jan.  16, 
1888,  when  he  was  commissioned  associate  justice  of 
the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States.  Justice  La- 
mar  possesses  the  judicial  faculty  in  a  very  high  de 
gree.  He  takes  broad  and  comprehensive  views  of 
legal  and  constitutional  questions,  and  his  opinions 


and  conclusions  are  stated  with  clearness  and  force. 
He  is  a  scholar  by  taste  and  culture,  a  fine  rhetori 
cian,  and  a  careful  student  of  the  principles  of  law, 
and  has  a  well-defined  conception  of  the  nature  of 
the  general  government.  In  thought  and  action 
Justice  Lamar  is  independent,  and  has  the  courage 
of  his  convictions.  While  boldly  asserting  whatever 
he  believes  to  be  right,  he  still  retains  the  respect 
and  even  the  friendship  of  opponents.  The  Hon.  S. 
S.  Cox,  author  of  "  Three  Decades  of  Federal  Legis 
lation,  "  says  of  him :  "His  rare  oratorical  and  dialect 
ical  skill  has  made  him  of  perpetual  utility  to  the  state 
which  he  represented  so  well  in  the  senate."  Justice 
Lamar's  residence  is  still  at  Oxford,  Miss.,  to  which 
place  he  removed  in  1849.  Mis.  Lamar  is  fond  of 
Oxford,  and  spends  much  of  her  time  there  while 
her  husband  is  in  Washington.  When  Mr.  Lamar 
goes  home  he  devotes  a  large  part  of  the  day  to  read 
ing.  He  is  a  rapid  reader  of  books  and  periodicals. 
LAMONT,  Daniel  Scott,  journalist  and  secre 
tary,  was  born  at  McGrawville,  Cortland  Co.,  N.  Y., 
Feb.  9,  1851.  He  came  of  Scotch-Irish  ancestry, 
who  emigrated  to  this  country  and  devoted  them, 
selves  to  farming.  From  such  lineage  sprung  An 
drew  Jackson,  John  C.  Calhoun,  Horace  Greeley- 


THE  TAPJFF  MESSAGE  OF  PRESIDENT  CLEVELAND, 

SE^TT   TO    CONGRESS  DECEMBER   G,  1887, 

OMITTING,  AS  OBSOLETE,  PORTIONS  RELATING  TO  THE  TREAS 
URY   SURPLUS,  WHICH  HAS   SINCE   BEEN   SPENT 
UNDER  REPUBLICAN  ADMINISTRATION. 


OUR  present  tariff  laws,  the  vicious,  inequitable, 
and  illegal  source  of  unnecessary  taxation,  ought  to 
be  at  once  revised  and  amended.  These  laws,  as 
their  primary  and  plain  effect,  raise  the  price  to 
consumers  of  all  articles  imported  and  subject  to 
duty,  by  precisely  the  sum  paid  for  such  duties. 
Thus  the  amount  of  the  duty  measures  the  tax  paid 
by  those  who  purchase  for  use  these  important  arti 
cles.  Many  of  these  things,  however,  are  raised  or 
manufactured  in  our  own  country,  and  the  duties 
now  levied  upon  foreign  goods  and  products  are 
called  protection  to  these  home  manufactures,  be 
cause  they  render  it  possible  for  those  of  our  people 
who  are  manufacturers,  to  make  these  taxed  articles 
and  sell  them  for  a  price  equal  to  that  demanded 
for  the  imported  goods  that  have  paid  customs  duty. 
So  it  happens  that  while  comparatively  a  few 
use  the  imported  articles,  millions  of  our  people, 
who  never  use  and  never  saw  any  of  the  foreign 
products,  purchase  and  use  things  of  the  same  kind 
made  in  this  country,  and  pay 
therefor  nearly  or  quite  the  same 
enhanced  price  which  the  duty 
adds  to  the  imported  articles. 
Those  who  buy  imports  pay  the 
duty  charged  thereon  into  the 
public  treasury,  but  the  majority 
of  our  citizens,  who  buy  domestic 
articles  of  the  same  class,  pay  a 
sum  at  least  approximately  equal 
to  this  duty  to  the  home  manu 
facturer.  This  reference  to  the 
operation  of  our  tariff  laws  is  not 
made  by  way  of  instruction,  but 
in  order  that  we  may  be  constant 
ly  reminded  of  the  manner  in 
which  they  impose  a  burden  upon 
those  who  consume  domestic  pro 
ducts  as  well  as  those  who  con 
sume  imported  articles,  and  thus 
create  a  tax  upon  all  our  people. 

It  is  not  proposed  to  entirely  relieve  the  country 
of  this  taxation.  It  must  be  extensively  continued  as 
the  source  of  the  government's  income;  and  in  a  re 
adjustment  of  our  tariff  the  interests  of  American 
labor  engaged  in  manufacture  should  be  carefully 
considered,  as  well  as  the  preservation  of  our  manu 
facturers.  It  may  be  called  protection,  or  by  any 
other  name,  but  relief  from  the  hardships  and  dan 
gers  of  our  present  tariff  laws  should  be  devised  with 
especial  precaution  against  imperiling  the  existence 
of  our  manufacturing  interests.  But  this  existence 
should  not  mean  a  condition  which,  without  regard 
to  the  public  welfare  or  a  national  exigency,  must 
always  insure  the  realization  of  immense  profits  in 
stead  of  moderately  profitable  returns.  As  the  vol 
ume  and  diversity  of  our  national  activities  increase, 
new  recruits  are  added  to  those  who  desire  a  contin 
uation  of  the  advantages  which  they  conceive  the 
present  system  of  tariff  taxation  directly  affords 


them.  So  stubbornly  have  all  efforts  to  reform  the 
present  condition  been  resisted  by  those  of  our  fel 
low-citizens  thus  engaged,  that  they  can  hardly 
complain  of  the  suspicion,  entertained  to  a  certain 
extent,  that  there  exists  an  organized  combination 
all  along  the  line  to  maintain  their  advantage. 

We  are  in  the  midst  of  centennial  celebrations, 
and  with  becoming  pride  we  rejoice  in  American 
skill  and  ingenuity,  in  American  energy  and  enter 
prise,  and  in  the  wonderful  nat 
ural  advantages  and  resources 
developed  by  a  century's  nation 
al  growth.  Yet  when  an  attempt 
is  made  to  justify  a  scheme  which 
permits  a  tax  to  be  laid  upon 
every  consumer  in  the  land  for 
the  benefit  of  our  manufactur 
ers,  quite  beyond  a  reasonable 
demand  for  governmental  re 
gard,  it  suits  the  purposes  of 
advocacy  to  call  our  manufac 
tures  infant  industries,  still  need 
ing  the  highest  and  greatest  de 
gree  of  favor  and  fostering  care 
that  can  be  wrung  from  Federal 
legislation. 

It  is  also  said  that  the  increase 
in  the  price  of  domestic  manu 
factures  resulting  from  the  pres 
ent  tariff  is  necessary  in  order 
that  higher  wages  may  be  paid 
to  our  workingmen  employed  in  manufactories, 
than  are  paid  for  what  is  called  the  pauper  labor  of 
Europe.  All  will  acknowledge  the  force  of  an  ar 
gument  which  involves  the  welfare  and  liberal  com 
pensation  of  our  laboring  people.  Our  labor  is  hon 
orable  in  the  eyes  of  every  American  citizen;  and  as 
it  lies  at  the  'foundation  of  our  development  and 
progress  it  is  entitled,  without  affectation  or  hypoc 
risy,  to  the  utmost  regard.  The  standard  of  our 
laborers'  life  should  not  be  measured  by  that  of  any 
other  country  less  favored,  and  they  are  entitled  to 
their  full  share  of  all  our  advantages. 

By  the  last  census  it  is  made  to  appear  that  of  the 
17,392,099  of  our  population  engaged  in  all  kinds  of 
industries,  7,670,493  are  employed  in  agriculture, 
4,074,238  in  professional  and  personal  service  (2,934, 
876  of  whom  are  domestic  servants  and  laborers), 
while  1,810,256  are  employed  in  trade  and  transpor 
tation,  and  3,837,112  are  classed  as  employed  in 
manufacturing  and  mining. 

For  present  purposes,  however,  the  last  number 
given  should  be  considerably  reduced.  Without 
attempting  to  enumerate  all,  it  will  be  conceded 
that  there  should  be  deducted,  from  those  which  it 
includes,  375,143  carpenters  and  joiners,  285,401  mil 
liners,  dressmakers  and  seamstresses,  172,726  black 
smiths,  133,756  tailors  and  tailoresses,  102,473  ma 
sons,  76,241  butchers,  41,309  bakers,  22,083  plaster 
ers  and  4,891  engaged  in  manufacturing  agricultural 


NATIONAL    PORTRAIT    GALLERY. 


implements,  amounting  in  the  aggregate  to  1,214,- 
023,  leaving  2,623,089  persons  employed  in  such 
manufacturing  industries  as  are  claimed  to  be  bene 
fited  by  a  high  tarilT. 

To  these  the  appeal  is  made  to  save  their  employ 
ment  and  maintain  their  wages  by  resisting  a 
change.  There  should  be  no 
disposition  to  answer  such  sug 
gestions  by  the  allegation  that 
they  are  in  a  minority  among 
those  who  labor,  and  therefore 
should  forego  an  advantage,  in 
the  interest  of  low  prices  for 
the  majority;  their  compensa 
tion,  as  it  may  be  affected  by 
the  operation  of  tariff  laws, 
should  at  all  times  be  scrup 
ulously  kept  in  view;  and  yet 
with  slight  reflection  they  will 
not  overlook  the  fact  that  they 
are  consumers  with  the  rest; 
that  they,  too,  have  their  own 
wants  and  those  of  their  fam 
ilies  to  supply  from  their  earn 
ings,  and  that  the  price  of  the 
necessaries  of  life,  as  well  as 
the  amount  of  their  wages, 

will  regulate  the  measure  of  their  welfare  and  com 
fort. 

But  the  reduction  of  taxation  demanded  should 
be  so  measured  as  not  to  necessitate  or  justify  either 
the  loss  of  employment  by  the  workingmaii  or  the 
lessening  of  his  wages;  and  the  profits  still  remain 
ing  to  the  manufacturer,  after  a  necessary  readjust 
ment,  should  furnish  no  excuse  for  the  sacrifice  of 
the  interests  of  his  employees  either  in  their  oppor 
tunity  to  work  or  in  the  diminution  of  their  compen 
sation.  Nor  can  the  worker  in 
manufactures  fail  to  under 
stand  that  while  a  high  tariff 
is  claimed  to  be  necessary  to 
allow  the  payment  of  remun 
erative  wages,  it  certainly  re 
sults  in  a  very  large  increase 
in  the  price  of  nearly  all  sorts 
of  manufactures,  which,  in  al 
most  countless  forms,  he  needs 
for  the  use  of  himself  and  his 
family.  He  receives  at  the 
desk  of  his  employer  his  wages, 
and  perhaps  before  he  reaches 
his  home  is  obliged,  in  a  pur 
chase  for  family  use  of  an  arti 
cle  which  embraces  his  own 
labor,  to  return  in  the  payment 
of  the  increase  in  price  which 
the  tariff  permits,  the  hard- 
earned  compensation  of  many 
days  of  toil. 
The  farmer  and  the  agriculturist,  who  manufacture 
nothing,  but  who  pay  the  increased  price  which  the 
tariff  imposes  upon  every  agricultural  implement, 
upon  all  he  wears  and  upon  all  he  uses  and  owns, 
except  the  increase  of  his  flocks  and  herds  and  such 
things  as  his  husbandry  produces  from  the  soil,  is 
invited  to  aid  in  maintaining  the  present  situation; 
and  he  is  told  that  a  high  duty  on  imported  wool  is 
necessary  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  have  sheep  to 
shear,  in  order  that  the  price  of  their  wool  may  be 
increased.  They  of  course  are  not  reminded  that 
the  farmer  wyho  has  no  sheep  is  by  this  scheme 
obliged,  in  his  purchases  of  clothing  and  woolen 
goods,  to  pay  a  tribute  tp  his  fellow-farmer  as  well 
as  to  the  manufacturer  and  merchant;  nor  is  any 
mention  made  of  the  fact  that  the  sheep-owners 
themselves  and  their  households  must  wear  clothing 
and  use  other  articles  manufactured  from  the  wool 


they  sell  at  tariff  prices,  and  thus  as  consumers  must 
return  their  share  of  this  increased  price  to  the 
tradesman. 

I  think  it  may  be  fairly  assumed  that  a  large  pro 
portion  of  the  sheep  owned  by  the  farmers  through 
out  the  country  are  found  in  small  flocks  numbering 
from  twenty-five  to  fifty.  The  duty  on  the  grade  of 
imported  wool  which  these  sheep  yield  is  ten  cents 
each  pound  if  of  the  value  of  thirty  cents  or  less, 
and  twelve  cents  if  of  the  value  of  more  than  thirty 
cents.  If  the  liberal  estimate  of  six  pounds  be  al 
lowed  for  each  fleece,  the  duty  thereon  would  be 
sixty  or  seventy-two  cents,  and  this  must  be  taken 
as  the  utmost  enhancement  of  its  price  to  the  farmer 
by  reason  of  this  duty.  Eighteen  dollars  would  thus 
represent  the  increased  price  of  the  wool  from 
twenty-five  sheep,  and  thirty-six  dollars  that  from 
the  wool  of  fifty  sheep;  and  at  present  values  this 
addition  would  amount  to  about  one-third  of  its 
price.  If  upon  its  sale  the  farmer 
receives  this  or  a  less  tariff  profit, 
the  wool  leaves  his  hands  charg 
ed  with  precisely  that  sum  which, 
in  all  its  changes,  will  adhere  to 
it  until  it  reaches  the  consumer. 
When  manufactured  into  cloth 
and  other  goods  and  material  for 
use,  its  cost  is  not  only  increased 
to  the  extent  of  tiie  farmer's  tar 
iff  profit,  but  a  further  sum  has 
been  added  for  the  benefit  of  the 
manufacturer  under  the  opera 
tion  of  other  tariff  laws.  In  the 
meantime  the  day  arrives  when 
the  farmer  finds  it  necessary  to 
purchase  woolen  goods  and  ma 
terial  to  clothe  himself  and  fam 
ily  for  the  winter.  When  he 
faces  the  tradesman  for  that 
purpose  he  discovers  that  he  is 
obliged  not  only  to  return,  in  the  way  of  increased 
prices,  his  tariff  profit  on  the  wrool  he  sold,  and 
which  then  perhaps  lies  before  him  in  manufac 
tured  form,  but  that  he  must  add  a  considerable  sum 
thereto  to  meet  a  further  increase  in  cost  caused 
by  a  tariff  duty  on  the  manufacture.  Thus  in  the 
end  he  is  aroused  to  the  fact  that  he  has  paid  upon  a 
moderate  purchase,  as  a  result  of  the  tariff  scheme, 
which  when  he  sold  his  wool  seemed  so  profitable, 
an  increase  in  price  more  than  sufficient  to  sweep 
away  all  the  tariff  profit  he  re 
ceived  upon  the  wool  he  pro 
duced  and  sold. 

When  the  number  of  farmers 
engaged  in  wool-raising  is  com 
pared  with  all  the  farmers  in  the 
country,  and  the  small  propor 
tion  they  bear  to  our  population 
is  considered;  when  it  is  made 
apparent  that,  in  the  case  of  a 
large  part  of  those  who  own 
sheep,  the  benefit  of  the  present 
tariff  on  wool  is  illusory;  and, 
above  all,  when  it  must  be  con 
ceded  that  the  increase  of  the 
cost  of  living  caused  by  such  tar 
iff  becomes  a  burden  upon  those 
with  moderate  means,  and  the 
poor,  the  employed  and  unem 
ployed,  the  sick  and  well,  and 
the  young  and  old,  and  that  it 
constitutes  a  tax  which,  with  relentless  grasp,  is 
fastened  upon  the  clothing  of  every  man,  woman 
and  child  in  the  land,  reasons  are  suggested  why  the 
removal  or  reduction  of  this  duty  should  be  included 
in  a  revision  of  our  tariff  laws. 

In  speaking  of  the  increased  cost  to  the  consumer 


24 


NATIONAL    POKTKAIT    GALLERY. 


of  our  home  manufactures,  resulting  from  a  duty 
laid  upon  imported  articles  of  the  same  description, 
the  fact  is  not  overlooked  that  competition  among 
our  domestic  producers  sometimes  has  the  effect  of 
keeping  the  price  of  their  products  below  the  high 
est  limit  allowed  by  such  duty.  But  it  is  notorious 
that  this  competition  is  too  often 
strangled  by  combinations  quite 
prevalent  at  this  time,  and  fre 
quently  called  trusts,  which  have 
for  their  object  the  regulation  of 
the  supply  and  price  of  commodi 
ties  made  and  sold  by  members 
of  the  combination.  The  people 
can  hardly  hope  for  any  consider 
ation  in  the  operation  of  these  sel- 
h'sh  schemes. 

If,  however,  in  the  absence  of 
such  combination,  a  healthy  and 
free  competition  reduces  the  price 
of  any  particular  dutiable  article 
of   home   production    below  the 
limit  which  it   might  otherwise 
reach  under  our  tariff  laws,  and 
jf(  with  such  reduced  price,  its 
manufacture  continues  to  thrive, 
it  is  entirely  evident  that  one  thing  has  been  dis 
covered  which  should  be  carefully  scrutinized  in  an 
effort  to  reduce  taxation. 

The  necessity  of  combination  to  maintain  the  price 
of  any  commodity  to  the  tariff  point,  furnishes  proof 
that  some  one  is  willing  to  accept  lower  prices  for 
such  commodity,  and  that  such  prices  are  remunera 
tive;  and  lower  prices  produced  by  competition  prove 
the  same  thing.  Thus  where  either  of  these  condi 
tions  exists,  a  case  would  seem  to  be  presented  for  an 
easy  reduction  of  taxation. 

The  considerations  which  have  been  presented 
touching  our  tariff  laws  are  in 
tended  only  to  enforce  an  earnest 
recommendation  that  the  surplus 
revenues  of  the  government  be 
prevented  by  the  reduction  of  our 
customs  duties,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  emphasize  a  suggestion 
that,  in  accomplishing  this  pur 
pose,  we  may  discharge  a  double 
duty  to  our  people  by  granting 
to  them  a  measure  of  relief  from 
tariff  taxation  in  quarters  where 
it  is  most  needed  and  from  sources 
where  it  can  be  most  fairly  and 
justly  accorded. 

Nor  can  the  presentation  made 
of  such  considerations  be,  with 
any  degree  of  fairness,  regarded 
as  evidence  of  unfriendliness  tow 
ard  our  manufacturing  interests, 
or  of  any  lack  of  appreciation 
of  their  value  and  importance. 

These  interests  constitute  a  leading  and  most  sub 
stantial  element  of  our  national  greatness,  and  fur 
nish  the  proud  proof  of  our  country's  progress.  But 
if  in  the  emergency  that  presses  upon  us  our  manu 
facturers  are  asked  to  surrender  something  for  the 
public  good  and  to  avert  disaster,  their  patriotism, 
as  well  as  a  grateful  recognition  of  advantages  al 
ready  afforded,  should  lead  them  to  willing  co 
operation.  No  demand  is  made  that  they  shall  forego 
all  the  benefits  of  governmental  regard;  but  they 
cannot  fail  to  be  admonished  of  their  duty,  as  well 
as  their  enlightened  self-interest  and  safety,  when 
they  are  reminded  of  the  fact  that  financial  panic 
and  collapse,  to  which  the  present  condition  tends, 
afford  no  greater  shelter  or  protection  to  our  manu 
factures  than  to  our  other  important  enterprises. 
Opportunity  for  safe,  careful  and  deliberate  reform  is 


now  offered;  and  none  of  us  should  be  unmindful  of 
a  time  when  an  abused  and  irritated  people,  heedless 
of  those  who  have  resisted  timely  and  reasonable  re 
lief,  may  insist  upon  a  radical  and  sweeping  rectifi 
cation  of  their  wrongs. 

The  difficulty  attending  a  wise  and  fair  revision  of 
our  tariff  laws  is  not  underestimated.  It  will  require 
on  the  part  of  the  congress  great  labor  and  care,  and 
especially  a  broad  and  national  contemplation  of  the 
subject,  and  a  patriotic  disregard  of  such  local  and 
selfish  claims  as  are  unreasonable  and  reckless  of  the 
welfare  of  the  entire  country. 

Under  our  present  laws  more  than  four  thousand 
articles  are  subiect  to  duty.  Many  of  these  do  not 
in  any  way  compete  with  our  own  manufactures, 
and  many  are  hardly  worth  attention  as  subjects  of 
revenue.  A  considerable  reduction  can  be  made  in 
the  aggregate,  by  adding  them  to  the  free  list.  The 
taxation  of  luxuries  presents  no 
features  of  hardship;  but  the  ne 
cessaries  of  life  used  and  con 
sumed  by  all  the  people,  the  duty 
upon  which  adds  to  the  cost  of 
living  in  every  home,  should  be 
greatly  cheapened. 

The  radical  reduction  of  the 
duties  imposed  upon  raw  mater 
ial  used  in  manufactures,  or  its 
free  importation,  is  of  course  an 
important  factor  in  any  effort  to 
reduce  the  price  of  these  neces 
saries;  it  would  not  only  relieve 
them  from  the  increased  cost 
caused  by  the  tariff  on  such  ma 
terial,  but  the  manufactured  pro 
duct  being  thus  cheapened,  that 
part  of  the  tariff  now  laid  upon 
such  product,  as  a  compensation 
to  our  manufacturers  for  the  pres 
ent  price  of  raw  material,  could  be  accordingly 
modified.  Such  reduction,  or  free  importation, 
would  serve,  besides,  to  largely  reduce  the  rev 
enue.  It  is  not  apparent  how  such  a  change  can 
have  any  injurious  effect  upon  our  manufactur 
ers.  On  the  contrary,  it  would  appear  to  give  them 
a  better  chance  in  foreign  markets  with  the  manu 
facturers  of  other  countries,  who  cheapen  their  wares 
by  free  material.  Thus  our  people  might  have  an 
opportunity  of  extending  their  sales  beyond  the 
limits  of  home  consumption — saving  them  from  the 
depression,  interruption  in  business,  and  loss  caused 
by  a  glutted  domestic  market, 
and  affording  their  employees 
more  certain  and  steady  labor, 
with  its  resulting  quiet  and 
contentment. 

The  question  thus  impera 
tively  presented  for  solution 
should  be  approached  in  a  spirit 
higher  than  partisanship  and 
considered  in  tlie  light  of  that 
regard  for  patriotic  duty  which 
should  characterize  the  action 
of  those  intrusted  with  the  weal 
of  a  confiding  people.  But  the 
obligation  to  declared  party  pol 
icy  and  principle  is  not  wanting 
to  urge  prompt  and  effective 
action.  Both  of  the  great  po 
litical  parties  now  represented 
in  the  government  have,  by  re 
peated  and  authoritative  declarations,  condemned  the 
condition  of  our  laws  which  permits  the  collection 
from  the  people  of  unnecessary  revenue,  and  have,  in 
the  most  solemn  manner, promised  its  correction;  and 
neither  as  citizens  nor  partisans  are  our  countrymen 
in  a  mood  to  condone  the  violation  of  these  pledges. 


NATIONAL    PORTRAIT    GALLERY. 


Our  progress  toward  a  wise  conclusion  will  not  be 
improved  by  dwelling  upon  the  theories  of  protec 
tion  and  free  trade.  This  favors  too  much  of  bandy 
ing  epithets.  It  is  a  condition  which  confronts  us — 
not  a  theory.  Relief  from  this  condition  may  in 
volve  a  slight  reduction  of  the  advantages  which  we 
award  our  home  productions, 
but  the  entire  withdrawal  of 
such  advantages  should  not  be 
contemplated.  The  question  of 
free  trade  is  absolutely  irrele 
vant;  and  the  persistent  claim 
made  in  certain  quarters,  that 
all  efforts  to  relieve  the  people 
from  unjust  and  unnecessary 
taxation  are  schemes  of  so-called 
free-traders,  is  mischievous  and 
far  removed  from  any  consider 
ation  for  the  public  good. 

The  simple  and  plain  duty 
which  we  owe  the  people  is  to 
reduce  taxation  to  the  necessary 
expenses  of  an  economical  oper 
ation  of  the  government,  and  to 
restore  to  the  business  of  the 
country  the  money  which  we 
hold  in  the  treasury  through  the  perversion  of  gov 
ernmental  powers.  These  things  can  and  should  be 
done  with  safety  to  all  our  industries,  without  dan 
ger  to  the  opportunity  for  remunerative  labor  which 
our  workingmeu  need,  and  with  benefit  to  them  and 
all  our  people,  by  cheapening  their  means  of  subsis 
tence  and  increasing  the  measure  of  their  comforts. 

MB.    CLEVELAND'S    ACCEPTANCE. 

"MR.  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN:  The  message 
you  deliver  from  the  national  democracy  arouses 
within  me  emotions  which 
would  be  well-nigh  overwhelm 
ing  if  I  did  not  recognize  here 
assembled  the  representatives  of 
a  great  party  who  must  share 
with  me  the  responsibility  your 
mission  invites.  I  find  much 
relief  in  the  reflection  that  I 
have  been  selected  merely  to 
stand  for  the  principles  and 
purposes  to  which  my  party  is 
pledged,  and  for  the  enforce 
ment  and  supremacy  of  which 
all  who  have  any  right  to  claim 
democratic  fellowship  must  con 
stantly  and  persistently  labor. 

"Our  party  responsibility  is 
indeed  great.  We  assume  a 
momentous  obligation  to  our 
countrymen  when,  in  return 
for  their  trust  and  confidence,  we  promise  them  a 
rectification  of  their  wrongs  and  a  better  realization 
of  the  advantages  which  are  due  to  them  under  our 
free  and  beneficent  institutions. 

The  Party  Strong  for  Battle.—"  But,  if  our 
responsibility  is  great,  our  party  is  strong.  It  is 
strong  in  its  sympathy  with  the  needs  of  the  people, 
in  its  insistence  upon  the  exercise  of  governmental 
powers  strictly  within  the  constitutional  permission 
the  people  have  granted,  and  in  its  willingness  to 
risk  its  life  and  hope  upon  the  people's  intelligence 
and  patriotism. 

"  Never  has  a  great  party,  intent  upon  the  promo- 
motion  of  right  and  justice,  had  better  incentive  for 
effort  than  is  now  presented  to  us. 

"  Turning  our  eyes  to  the  plain  people  of  the  land, 
we  see  them  burdened  as  consumers  with  a  tariff 
system  that  unjustly  and  relentlessly  demands  from 
them  in  the  purchase  of  the  necessaries  and  comforts 


of  life  an  amount  scarcely  met  by  the  wages  of  hard 
and  steady  toil,  while  the  exactions  thus  wrung  from 
them  build  up  and  increase  the  fortunes  of  those  for 
whose  benefit  this  injustice  is  perpetuated. 

Robbed  by  the  Stealthy  Hand  of  High  Pro 
tection. — "We  see  the  farmer  listening  to  a  de 
lusive  story  that  fills  his  mind  with  visions  of  ad 
vantages  while  his  pocket  is  robbed  by  the  stealthy 
hand  of  high  protection. 

"  Our  workingmen  are  still  told  the  tale,  oft  re 
peated  in  spite  of  its  demonstrated  falsity,  that  the 
existing  protective  tariff  is  a  boon  to  them,  and  that 
under  its  beneficent  operation  their  wages  must  in 
crease,  while  as  they  listen,  scenes  are  enacted  in  the 
very  abiding-place  of  high  protection  that  mock  the 
hopes  of  toil  and  attest  the  tender  mercy  the  work- 
ingman  receives  from  those  made  selfish  and  sordid 
by  unjust  governmental  favoritism. 

"We  oppose  earnestly  and 
stubbornly  the  theory  upon 
which  our  opponents  seek  to 
justify  and  uphold  existing  tar 
iff  laws.  We  need  not  base  our 
attack  upon  questions  of  consti 
tutional  permission  or  legisla 
tive  power.  We  denounce  this 
theory  upon  the  highest  possi 
ble  grounds  when  we  contend 
that  in  present  conditions  iis 
operation  is  unjust,  and  that 
laws  enacted  in  accordance  with 
it  are  inequitable  and  unfair. 

The  Party  not  Destruc 
tive. — "  Ours  is  not  a  destruc 
tive  party.  We  are  not  at  en 
mity  with  the  rights  of  any 
of  our  citizens.  All  are  our 
countrymen.  AVe  are  not  reck 
lessly  'heedless  of  any  Ameri 
can  interests,  nor  will  we  abandon  our  regard  for 
them;  but  invoking  the  love  of  fairness  and  justice, 
which  belongs  to  true  Americanism,  and  upon  which 
our  Constitution  rests,  we  insist  that  no  plan  of  tariff 
legislation  shall  be  tolerated  which  has  for  its  object 
and  purpose  a  forced  contribution  from  the  earnings 
and  income  of  the  mass  of  our  citizens  to  swell  di 
rectly  the  accumulations  of  a  favored  few;  nor  will 
we  permit  a  pretended  solicitude  for  American  labor, 
or  any  other  specious  pretext  of  benevolent  care  for 
others,  to  blind  the  eyes  of  the  people  to  the  selfish 
schemes  of  those  who  seek,  through  the  aid  of  un 
equal  tariff  laws,  to  gain  un 
earned  and  unreasonable  advan 
tages  at  the  expense  of  their  fel 
lows. 

Denouncing  the  Force 
Bill.  —  "We  have  also  assum 
ed,  in  our  covenant  with  those 
whose  support  we  invite,  the 
duty  of  opposing  to  the  death 
another  avowed  scheme  of  our 
adversaries,  which  under  the 
guise  of  protecting  the  suffrage 
covers,  but  does  not  conceal  a 
design  thereby  to  perpetuate 
the  power  of  a  party  afraid  to 
trust  its  continuance  to  the  un- 
trammeled  and  intelligent  votes 
of  the  American  people.  We 
are  pledged  to  resist  the  legisla 
tion  intended  to  complete  this 
scheme  because  we  have  not 
forgotten  the  saturnalia  of  theft  and  brutal  control 
which  followed  another  Federal  regulation  of  state 
suffrage;  because  we  know  that  the  managers  of  a 
party  which  did  not  scruple  to  rob  the  people  of  a 
president  would  not  hesitate  to  use  the  machinery 


NATIONAL    PORTKAIT    GALLERY. 


created  by  such  legislation  to  revive  corrupt  instru- 
mentalitie's  for  partisan  purposes;  because  an  at 
tempt  to  enforce  such  legislation  would  rekindle  ani 
mosities  where  peace  and  hopefulness  now  prevail; 
because  such  an  attempt  would  replace  prosperous 
activity  with  discouragement  and  dread  throughout 
a  large  section  of  our  country,  and  would  menace, 
everywhere  in  the  land, the  rights 
reserved  to  the  states  and  to  the 
people,  which  underlie  the  safe 
guards  of  American  liberty. 

The  Contest  is  for  Princi 
ples. — "I  shall  not  attempt  to 
specify  at  this  time  other  objects 
and  aims  of  democratic  endeavor 
which  add  inspiration  to  our  mis 
sion.  True  to  its  history  and  its 
creed,  our  party  will  respond  to 
the  wants  of  the  people  within 
safe  lines  and  guided  by  enlight 
ened  statesmanship.  To  the 
troubled  and  impatient  within 
our  membership  we  commend 
continued,  unswerving  alleg- 
..  ////  iance  to  the  party  whose  princi- 

'/// //J<p£/J  pies,  in  all  times  past,  have  been 

found  sufficient  for  them,  and 
whose  aggregate  wisdom  and 
patriotism,  their  experience  teaches,  can  always  be 
trusted. 

"In  a  tone  of  partisanship  which  befits  the  occa 
sion,  let  me  say  to  you  as  equal  partners  in  the  cam 
paign  upon  which  we  to-day  enter,  that  the  personal 
fortunes  of  those  to  whom  you  have  entrusted  your 
banners  are  only  important  as  they  are  related  to  the 
fate  of  the  principles  they  represent  and  to  the 
party  which  they  lead. 


"  I  cannot,  therefore,  forbear  reminding  you  and 
all  those  attached  to  the  democratic  party  or  sup 
porting  the  principles  which  we  profess,  that  defeat 
in  the  pending  campaign,  followed  by  the  consum 
mation  of  the  legislative  schemes  our  opponents 
contemplate,  and  accompanied  by  such  other  inci 
dents  of  their  success  as  might  more  firmly  fix  their 
power,  would  present  a  most  dis 
couraging  outlook  for  future 
democratic  supremacy  and  for 
the  accomplishment  of  the  ob 
jects  we  have  at  heart. 

Let  Partisanship  be  Patri 
otic. —  "Moreover,  every  sincere 
democrat  must  believe  that  the 
interests  of  his  country  are  deep 
ly  involved  in  the  victory  of  our 
party  in  the  struggle  that  awaits 
us.  Thus  patriotic  solicitude  ex 
alts  the  hope  of  partisanship,  and 
should  intensify  our  determina 
tion  to  win  success. 

"This  success  can  only  be 
achieved  by  systematic  and  intel 
ligent  effort  on  the  part  of  all  en- 
listed  in  our  cause.  Let  us  tell 
the  people  plainly  and  honestly 
what  we  believe  and  how  we  pro 
pose  to  serve  the  interests  of  the  entire  country,  and 
then  let  us,  after  the  manner  of  true  democracy,  rely 
upon  the  thoughtfulness  and  patriotism  of  our  fellow- 
countrymen.  It  only  remains  for  me  to  say  to  you,  in 
advance  of  a  more  formal  response  to  your  message, 
that  I  obey  the  command  of  my  party  and  confident 
ly  anticipate  that  an  intelligent  and  earnest  presen 
tation  of  our  cause  will  insure  a  popular  indorse 
ment  of  the  action  Of  the  body  you  represent." 


SPEECH    OF    HON.   WM.    L.    WILSON, 

OF  WEST  VIRGINIA, 

AT   THE   NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC    CONVENTION,   AT 
CHICAGO,  ILL.,  JUNE    22,  1892. 


GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CONVENTION:  I  thank  you 
most  heartily  for  this  honor.  I  shall  try  to  meet 
the  duties  of  the  high  position  to  which  you  call  me 
with  the  spirit  of  fairness  and  equality  that  is  dem 
ocratic.  This  convention  has  a  high  and  patriotic 
work  to  perform.  We  owe  much  to  our  party;  we 
owe  much  to  our  country.  The  mission  of  the  dem 
ocratic  party  is  to  fight  for  the  under  dog.  When 
that  party  is  out  of  power  we  may  be  sure  there  is 
an  under  dog  to  fight  for,  and  that  the  under  dog  is 
generally  the  American  people.  When  that  party 
is  out  of  power  we  may  be  sure  that  some  party  is 
in  control  of  our  government  that  represents  a  sec 
tion  and  not  the  whole  country,  that  stands  for  a 
class  and  not  the  whole  people. 

Never  was  this  truth  brought  home  to  us  more  de 
fiantly  than  by  the  recent  convention  at  Minneapolis. 
We  are  not  deceived  as  to  the  temper;  we  are  not  in 
doubt  as  to  the  purpose  of  our  opponents.  Having 
taxed  us  for  years  without  excuse  and  without  mer 
cy,  they  now  propose  to  disarm  us  of  further  power 
to  resist  their  exactions.  Republican  success  in  this 
campaign,  when  we  look  to  the  party  platform,  the 
party  candidates,  or  the  utterances  of  the  party 


leaders,  means  that  the  people  are  to  be  stripped  of 
their  franchises  through  force  bills,  in  order  that 
they  may  be  stripped  of  their  substance  through 
tariff  bills. 

Free  government  is  self-government.  There  is  no 
self-government  where  the  people  do  not  control 
their  own  elections  and  levy  their  own  taxes.  When 
either  of  these  rights  is  taken  away  or  diminished  a 
breach  is  made,  not  in  the  outer  defences,  but  in  the 
citadel  of  our  freedom.  For  years  we  have  been 
struggling  to  recover  the  lost  right  of  taxing  our 
selves,  and  now  we  are  threatened  with  the  loss  of 
the  greater  right  of  governing  ourselves.  The  loss 
of  the  one  follows  iii^  necessary  succession  the  loss 
of  the  other.  When  you  confer  on  government  the 
power  of  dealing  out  the  wealth  you  unchain  every 
evil  that  it  can  prey  upon,  and  eventually  destroy 
free  institutions — excessive  taxation,  class  taxation, 
billion-dollar  congresses,  a  corrupt  civil  service,  a 
debauched  ballot  box,  and  purchased  elections. 

In  every  campaign  the  privilege  of  taxing  the  peo 
ple  will  be  bartered  for  contributions  to  corrupt 
them  at  the  polls.  After  victory  there  will  be  a  new 
McKinley  bill  to  repay  these  contributions  with 


XATIOXAL    PORTRAIT    GALLERY. 


taxes  which  were  wrung  from  the  people.  For 
every  self- governing  people  there  can  be  no  more 
momentous  question  than  the  question  of  taxation. 
It  is  the  question,  and  as  Mr.  Burke  truly  said,  the 
question  around  which  all  the  great  battles  of  free 
dom  have  been  fought.  It  is  the  question  out  of 
which  grow  all  the  issues  of  gov 
ernment.  Until  we  settle  this  ques 
tion  wisely,  permanently  and  just 
ly,  we  build  all  other  reforms  on 
a  foundation  of  sand.  We  and 
the  great  party  we  represent  are 
to-day  for  tariff  reform  because  it 
is  the  only  gateway  to  genuine 
democrat  ic  government. 

The  distinguished  leader  who 
presided  over  the  republican  con 
vention  boasted  that  he  does  not 
know  what  tariff  reform  is.  Who 
ever  said  that,  let  us  hope,  with 
that  chanty  which  endureth  all 
things  and  believeth  all  things, 
f  that  he  is  truly  as  ignorant  as  he 

M  Cy  (fU//~  vaunts  himself  to  be.     Unfortun 

ately  the  people  are  not  so  igno 
rant  of  the  meaning  of  protection, 


/   I 


at  least  of  the  protection  which  is  dealt  out  to  them 
in  the  bill  that  bears  his  name.  They  see  that 
meaning  "writ  large"  to-day  in  a  prostrated  agri 
culture,  in  a  shackled  commerce,  in  stricken  indus 
tries,  in  the  compulsory  idleness  of  labor,  in  law- 
made  wealth,  in  the  discontent  of  the  workingmen, 
and  the  despair  of  the  farmer.  They  know  by  hard 
experience  that  protection,  as  a  system  of  taxation, 
is  but  the  old  crafty  scheme  by  which  the  rich  com 
pel  the  poor  to  pay  the  expenses  of  government. 
They  know  by  hard  experience  that  protection,  as  a 
system  of  tribute,  is  but  the  old  crafty  scheme  by 
which  the  power  of  taxation  of 
the  people  is  made  the  private 
property  of  a  few  of  the  people. 

Tariff  reform  means  to  readjust 
this  system  of  taxation  and  to 
purge  away  this  system  of  trib 
ute.  It  means  that  we  have  not 
reached  the  goal  of  perfect  free 
dom  so  long  as  any  citizen  is 
forced  by  law  to  pay  tribute  to 
any  other  citizen,  and  until  our 
taxes  are  proportioned  to  the  abil 
ity  and  duty  of  the  taxpayer  rath 
er  than  to  his  ignorance,  his  weak 
ness,  and  his  patience.  Gov.  Mc- 
Kinley  charges  that  the  democrat 
ic  party  believes  in  taxing  our 
selves.  I'm  afraid,  gentlemen,  we 
must  admit  this  charge. 

What  right  or  excuse  have  we 
for  taxing  anybody  else  with  a 
continent  or  a  country,  with  freedom  and  intelli 
gence  of  the  instruments  for  its  development  ?  We 
stand  disgraced  in  the  eyes  of  mankind  if  we  cannot 
and  if  we  do  not  support  our  own  government.  We 
can  throw  that  support  on  other  people  only  by  beg 
gary  or  by  force.  If  we  use  the  one  we  are  a  pau 
per  nation ;  if  we  use  the  other  we  are  a  pirate  nation. 
The  democratic  party  does  not  intend  that  we 
should  be  either.  Xo  more  does  it  intend  that  we 
shall  falsely  call  it  taxing  other  people  to  transfer 
our  taxes  from  the  possession  of  those  who  own  the 
property  of  the  country  to  the  bellies  and  backs  of 
those  who  do  the  work  of  the  country.  It  believes 
that  frugality  is  the  essential  virtue  of  free  gov 
ernment.  It  believes  that  the  taxes  should  be  limit 
ed  to  public  needs  and  be  levied  by  the  plain  rule 
of  justice  and  economy. 

But,  gentlemen,  we  are  confronted  with  a  new  cry 


in  this  campaign.  The  republican  party,  says  Mr. 
McKinley,  now  stands  for  protection  and  reciproc 
ity.  He  was  for  protection  alone  when  he  framed 
his  bill  in  the  house,  or  rather  permitted  his  benefi 
ciaries  to  frame  it  for  him,  and  tirmly  resisted  all  ef 
forts  of  the  statesman  from  Maine  to  annex  reciproc 
ity  to  it.  Xo  wonder  that  he  favors  the  reciprocity 
added  by  the  senate.  You  may  explore  the  pages  of 
burlesque  literature  for  anything  more  supremely 
ludicrous  than  the  so-called  reciprocity  of  the  Mc 
Kinley  bill. 

It  is  not  reciprocity  at  all.  It  is  a  retaliation,  and, 
worst  of  all,  retaliation  on  our  people.  It  punishes 
American  citizens  for  the  necessities  or  the  follies  of 
other  peoples.  It  says  to  a  few  small  countries  south 
of  us:  "If  you  are  forced  by  your  necessities  or  led  by 
your  follies  to  make  bread  higher  and  scarcer  to  your 
people,  we  will  make  shoes  and  sugar  higher  and 
scarcer  to  our  people." 

And  now  we  are  told  that  reciprocity  is  to  be  their 
battle-cry.  Already  we  are  regaled 
with  pictures  of  Benjamin  Harrison 
clad  in  armor  and  going  forth  to  bat 
tle  for  reciprocity  on  a  plumed  steed. 
Simple  Simon  fishing  for  whales  in 
his  mother's  rain  barrel,  and  in  great 
triumph  capturing  an  occasional 
wiggle-waggle,  is  the  only  true,  real 
istic  picture  of  the  reciprocity  of  the 
McKinley  bill. 

We  are  for  the  protection  that  pro 
tects,  and  for  the  reciprocity  that  re 
ciprocates.  We  are  in  favor  of  pro 
tecting  every  man  in  the  enjoymen, 
of  the  fruit  of  his  labor,  diminished 
only  by  his  proper  contribution  to 
the  support  of  the  government,  and 
we  are  for  that  real  reciprocity,  not 
through  dickering  diplomacy  and 
presidential  proclamations,  but  by 
laws  of  congress,  that  removes  all  unnecessary  ob 
stacles  between  the  American  producer  and  the  mar 
kets  he  is  obliged  to  seek  for  his  products. 

But,  gentlemen,  I  must  not  keep  you  from  the 
work  that  is  before  you.  Let  us  take  up  the  work 
as  brothers,  as  patriots,  as  democrats.  In  so  large 
a  convention  as  this — larger  in  numbers  than  any 
previous  gathering  of  our  party,  and  representing  a 
larger  constituency  than  ever  before  assembled  in 
any  convention — it  would  be  strange — ominously 
strange — if  there  were  not  some  differences  of  opin 
ion  on  matters  of  policy,  and  some 
differences  of  judgment  or  of  prof- 
erence  as  to  the  choice  of  candidates. 

It  is  the  sign  of  a  free  democracy 
that  it  is  many-voiced  and,  within 
the  limits  of  true  freedom,  tumultu 
ous.  It  wears  no  collars;  it  serves 
no  masters.  We  cannot  shut  our 
eyes  to  the  fact  that  many  who  have 
heretofore  followed  our  flag  with 
enthusiasm  are  to-day  calling,  with 
excusable  impatience,  for  immediate 
relief  from  the  evils  that  encompass ' 
them.  Whatever  can  be  done  to  re 
lieve  the  burdens,  to  restore,  broad 
en,  and  increase  the  prosperity  of 
the  people  and  every  part  of  them, 
within  the  limits  and  according  to  the 
principles  of  free  government,  the 
democratic  party  dares  to  promise  that  it  will  do 
with  all  its  might.  Whatever  is  beyond  this,  what 
ever  is  incompatible  with  free  government  and  our 
historic  liberty  it  dares  not  promise  to  any  one.  In 
veterate  evils  in  the  body  politic  cannot  be  cured  in  a 
moment  any  more  than  inveterate  diseases  in  the  hu 
man  system.  Whoever  professes  the  power  to  do 


28 


NATIONAL    POETRAIT    GALLERY. 


so  is  himself  deceived  or  himself  a  deceiver.     Our 
party  is  riot  a  quack  or  a  worker  of  miracles. 

It*is  not  for  me,  gentlemen,  the  impartial  servant 
of  you  all,  to  attempt  to  foreshadow  what  your 
choice  should  be  or  ought  to  be  in  the  selection  of 
your  candidates.  You  will  make  that  selection  un 
der  your  own  sense  of  responsibility  to  the  people  you 
represent  and  to  your  country.  One  thing  only  I  ven 
ture  to  say:  whoever  may  be  your  chosen  leader  in 
this  campaign,  no  telegram  will  flash  across  the  sea 
from  the  castle  of  absentee  tariff  lords  to  congratu 


late  him.  But,  from  the  home  of  labor,  from  the 
fireside  of  the  toiler,  from  the  hearts  of  all  who  love 
justice  and  equity,  who  wish  'and  intend  that  our 
matchless  heritage  of  freedom  shall  be  the  common 
wealth  of  all  our  people,  and  the  common  opportu 
nity  of  all  our  youth,  will  come  up  prayers  for  his 
success  and  recruits  for  the  great  democratic  host 
that  must  strike  down  the  beast  of  sectionalism  and 
the  Moloch  of  monopoly,  before  we  can  have  ever 
again  a  people's  government  run  by  a  people's  faith 
ful  representatives. 


BUREAU  OF  THE  NATIONAL  ASSOCIATION  OF  DEMOCRATIC  CLUBS. 


Chairman  Harrity  urges  the  democratic  voters  of 
every  ward  and  township  to  form  clubs  immediately; 
for  it  is  conceded  by  all  that  these  political  organiza 
tions  will  be  a  most  important  factor  in  the  cam 
paign:  and  that  the  magnitude  and  political  weight 
of  such  clubs  can  not  be  overestimated.  Therefore, 
in  order  to  increase  the  number  of  political  campaign 
clubs  throughout  the  country  there  has  been  estab 
lished  at  headquarters  a  bureau  of  the  "National 
Association  of  Democratic  Clubs,"  which  is  in 
charge  of  their  secretary,  Lawrence  Gardner,  and 
his  assistant  secretary,  Harvey  L.  Maddox.  The 
objects  of  this  association  are  as  follows:  To  foster 
the  formation  of  permanent  democratic  clubs  and 
societies  throughout  the  United  States,  and  insure 
their  active  co-operation  in  disseminating  Jefferso- 
nian  principles  of  government.  To  preserve  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  the  autonomy  of  the 
states,  local  self-government  and  freedom  of  elec 
tions.  To  resist  revolutionary  changes  and  the  cen 
tralization  of  power.  To  oppose  the  imposition  of 
taxes  beyond  the  necessities  of  government  econom 
ically  administered.  To  promote  economy  in  all 
branches  of  the  public  service.  To  oppose  unneces 
sary  commercial  restrictions  for  the  benefit  of  the 
few  at  the  expense  of  the  many.  To  oppose  class 
legislation,  which  despoils  labor  and  builds  up  mo 
nopoly.  To  maintain  inviolate  the  fundamental  prin 
ciple  of  democracy — "Equality  before  the  law." 
To  co-operate  with  the  regular  or 
ganization  of  the  democratic  party 
in  support  of  democratic  men  and 
democratic  measures.  It  is  believed 
that  this  declaration  of  principles 
comprises  the  original  and  funda 
mental  propositions  upon  which  the 
democratic  party  was  founded  and 
for  the  defense  of  which  it  exists. 
Every  departure  from  them,  in  the 
legislation  and  administration  of  the 
government,  involves  serious  dan 
ger  to  the  republican  institutions  es 
tablished  by  our  forefathers.  They 
are  propositions  upon  which  all  dem 
ocrats  agree  and  ever  have  agreed, 
and  upon  which  all  democrats,  in 
every  part  of  the  Union,  can  asso 
ciate  for  common  purposes  and  in  a 
fraternal  spirit.  They  are  the  very 
propositions — strict  construction,  home  rule,  frugal 
ity  in  expenditures,  jealousy  of  military  power,  op 
position  to  monopoly  and  to  class  legislation — in  de 
fense  of  which  the  people  came  together  in  the 
democratic  societies  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  re 
public,  when  their  liberties  were  endangered  by 
much  slighter  encroachments  by  the  Federal  gov 
ernment  than  those  which  menace  us.  The  societies, 
"the  nurseries  of  sound  republican  principles,"  as 


Mr.  Jefferson  declared  them,  swept  the  federalist 
conspirators  from  power,  seated  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the 
chair  from  which  the  Federalist  enemy  would  have 
excluded  him  by  force  or  fraud,  and  gave  the  coun 
try  fifty  years  of  peace  and  prosperity,  freedom  and 
expansion,  under  democratic  rule.  There  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  history  will  repeat  itself,  and 
the  people,  united  in  these  open  popular  parliaments, 
the  whole  in  fraternal  union,  state  and 
national,  will  be  more  than  a  match 
for  the  vast  aggregation  of  monopolies 
which  propose  to  continue  to  use  the 
terrible  power  of  taxation  to  plunder 
the  masses  for  the  benefit  of  the  classes. 
It  will  be  seen  that  "this  association 
co-operates  with  the  regular  organiza 
tions  bf  the  democratic  party  in  sup 
port  of  democratic  men  and  democrat 
ic  measures."  To  that  end  it  is  sub 
ject  to  committees  duly  charged  with 
the  conduct  of  party  affairs  by  party 
conventions.  It  does  not  prescribe  plat 
forms;  it  ratifies  them.  It  does  not  nom 
inate  candidates;  it  supports  them.  Its 
national  conventions  are,  in  virtue  of  its 
constitution,  held  after,  not  before,  the 
nominating  conventions.  The  same  has 
heretofore  been  the  case  with  state  asso 
ciations,  and  is  likely  to  continue  so.  In  this  organ 
ization  there  is  no  room  for  or  incentive  to  faction. 
To  these  ends  the  earnest  and  constant  co-operation 
of  every  individual  democrat  in  the  United  States 
is  solicited.  From  the  central  offices  in  Washington 
it  will  be  the  endeavor  of  the  executive  committee 
to  maintain  complete  correspondence  with  author 
ized  representatives  in  every  county  in  the  Union, 
as  well  as  the  various  authorized  party  committees; 
to  furnish  information  which  may  be  required  by 
committees,  clubs  or  speakers;  to  gather  in  turn  in 
formation  which  may  be  of  use  to  those  in  the  man 
agement  of  national  and  state  campaigns;  to  aid 
democratic  newspapers  in  every  possible  way;  to 
distribute  such  selected  political  literature  as  its 
means  will  enable  it  to  command,  and,  above  all,  to 
encourage  the  organization  and  stimulate  the  activity 
of  democratic  societies  from  this  date  until  the  close 
of  the  polls  in  November  next.  It  is  a  stupendous 
undertaking  and  requires  the  aid  and  assistance  of 
the  democracy  generally.  All  information  regard 
ing  the  organization  of  clubs  and  blank  forms  upon 
which  to  make  application  for  membership  in  the 
National  Association  may  be  had  by  addressing  the 
secretary,  Lawrence  Gardner,  at  the  National  Dem 
ocratic  Headquarters,  No.  139  Fifth  avenue,  New 
York  City,  or  at  Washington,  D.  C.  The  second 
quadrennial  convention  of  the  ''National  Association 
of  Democratic  Clubs  "  will  be  held  in  New  York 
city  Oct.  4,  1892. 


NATIONAL    PORTRAIT    GALLERY. 


To  All  Democratic  Clubs. 


The  Democratic  National  Committee  has  purchased  a  large  number  of 
"CLEVELAND'S  ADMINISTRATION,"  which  is  a  beautiful  book  containing  bio 
graphical  sketches  of  Cleveland's  Cabinet,  with  full-page  portraits  of  Cleveland 
and  Stevenson,  taken  from  Tlie  National  Cyclopedia  of  American  Biography, 
followed  by  campaign  matter  furnished  by  the  committee. 

It  is  desirable  to  have  this  number  widely  distributed,  and  the  committee 
will  furnish  them  to  clubs,  free  of  charge,  upon  application,  while  the  supply  lasts. 
If  more  are  needed  than  can  be  furnished,  they  will  be  supplied  by  the  publishers 
at  cost.  This  publication  is  admitted  to  the  mails  as  second-class  matter. 

"CLEVELAND'S  ADMINISTRATION"  will  be  furnished  for  campaign  pur 
poses  at  the  following  prices  : 

Price  for  100  copies,  5  cents  each,  equal      -                            $5.00 

"      250       "        4  10.00 

500       "        3A  17.50 

"    1,000       "        3  30.00 

Orders  should  be  accompanied  by  cash,  cheque,  or  money  order.  Please 
make  the  order  immediately,  as  the  offer  cannot  be  held  open  after  the  edition  is 
printed.  Very  respectfully, 

JAMES  T.  WHITE  &  CO.,  Publishers, 

Nos.  5  and  7  E.  i6th  St.,  N.  Y.  City. 

Hessrs.  JAMES  T.  WHITE  &  CO.,  Publishers, 

Nos.  5  and  7  E.  i6th  ST.,  N.  Y.  CITY. 

Gentlemen : 

Enclosed  please  find  $  .for  wbicb  forward,  as 

indicated  below,  .copies  of  "  Cleveland's  ^Administration." 

Shipping  directions : 


PRESS    NOTICES. 

Prom  the  "NEW  YORK  WOULD,"  August  7,  1892. 

The  first  volume  of  The  National  Cyclopaedia  of  American  Biography  has  been  issued, 
and  a  careful  examination  of  its  scheme  and  execution  seems  to  fully  justify  all  that  the  energetic 
promoters  of  the  undertaking  have  promised.  The  "work  is  well  and  copiously  illustrated.  Besides 
a  number  of  full-page  portraits,  nearly  every  biography  is  accompanied  by  a  portrait,  occasionally 
a  college,  a  homestead,  etc.,  being  given.  These  Biographies  have  evidently  been  edited  with 

Uigent  caution.     So  far  as  ire  hare  been  able  to  verify  them  they  have  proved  faultless. 

From  the  "WILMINGTON  MORNING  NEWS,"  July  13,  1892. 

The  first  volume  of  a  new  and  very  important  work  has  just  been  issued  from  the  press — a 
work  which  will  be  entirely  creditable  to  American  letters  and  American  enterprise,  and  which  at 
the  same  time  will  be  invaluabto  to  the  future  historians  of  this  country,  both  general  and  local. 
This  work  is  entitled  "  The  National  Cyclopaedia  of  American  Biography*"  (James  T.  White  &  Co., 
New  York).  When  completed  it  will  consist  of  twelve  royal  octavo  volumes,  and  will  be  a  treasure 


— not  merely  of  those  men  who  have  become  conspicuous  by  reason  of  their  work  and  frequent 
newspaper  mention,  but  also  of  those  men  who  have  become  influential  and  prominent  in  their  own 


states  and  localities  by  reason  of  what  they  have  done  there.  In  the  second  place  the  publication 
of  this  work  will  not  be  deferred  until  all  these  biographical  facts  can  be  collected,  so  as  to  present 
the  names  in  alphabetical  order,  but  successive  volumes  will  be  issued  as  fast  as  the  material  is 
accumulated,  complete  and  convenient  indexes  furnishing  in  each  case  a  trustworthy  guide  to  all 
the  names  given.  This  makes  the  work  immediately  available  as  fast  as  it  proceeds.  It  may  also 
be  said  that  hi  the  way  of  portraits  of  living  and  active  men,  no  publication  heretofore  issued  from 
the  American  press  approaches  this  work.  The  main  fact  about  it,  however,  and  the  essential  fact, 
is  that  it  is  a  genuine  collection,  of  American  biography.  It  is  not  made  up  from  any  previous  work, 
but  is  fresh,  and  this  first  volume  makes  it  evident  that  for  the  first  time  this  country  is  to  have 
a  reference  book  of  American  biography  which  will  not  confine  itself  to  a  repetition  of  names  that 
are  to.be  found  in  all  the  general  Encyclopaedias,  but  one  which  will  be  adequate,  and  which  will 
place  within  reach  authentic  information  in  regard  to  the  important  and  active  men  in  all  parts  of 
the  United  States.  This  country  has  long  needed  a  biographical  dictionary  of  precisely  the  compre 
hensive  quality  which  this  work  possesses — something  which  would  be  as  adequate  here  as  "  Men  of 
Our  Times"  is  in  England;  but  we  are  very  much  mistaken  if  Messrs.  James  T.  White  &  Co.,  in 
preparing  this  work,  have  not  surpassed  any  existing  work  of  the  kind,  and  produced  a  national 
reference  book  of  American  biography  which  will  serve  as  a  model  and  example  to  the  publishers 
of  every  other  nation  as  to  what  such  a  work  should  be.  The  volume  already  issued  is  well  made 
in  every  particular.  It  contains  544  handsome  double-column  pages;  it  is  full  of  portraits,  including 
severarfull-page  ones',  and  it  is  substantially  bound.  The  second  volume  is  now  nearly  due.  When 
completed  the  work  will  possess  a  value,  both  for  everyday  use  and  historical  purposes,  which  can 
scarcely  be  overestimated. 

From  the  NEW  YORK  HERALD,  Sunday  May  1,  1892. 

The  publication  of  the  first  volume  of  ' '  The  National  Cyclopedia  of  American  Biography  " 
seems  to  mark  a  new  era  in  the  construction  of  this  class  of  works.  The  most  superficial  inspection 
of  this  volume  shows  originality  of  structure  and  a  comprehensiveness  of  idea,  combined  with 
elasticity  of  treatment,  in  excess  of  any  other  work  of  the  kind  heretofore  produced,  either  in  this 
country  or  Europe.  To  begin  with,  the  stvle  and  form  of  this  Cyclopedia  differs  altogether  from  any 
other  similar  works  in  discarding  the  alphabetical  arrangement  which  has  heretofore  always  pre 
vailed  in  such  publications.  The  National  Cyclopedia,  in  place  of  being  arranged  alphabetically, 
will  be  supplied  in  the  case  of  each  volume  with  a  complete  index,  alphabetically  arranged,  and  to 
a  certain  extent  analytical,  and  answering  every  purpose  usually  subserved  by  the  old  arrangement. 
Meanwhile,  this  plan  admits  of  a  latitude  not  possessed  by  any  other.  The  publishers  are  not  obliged 
to  delay  the  issue  of  any  volume  on  account  of  the  lack  of  any  article.  Besides,  the  plan  of  grouping, 
which  is  followed  to  a  considerable  extent  in  the  volume,  throws  into  juxtaposition  men  who  prop 
erly  belong  together,  and  who  would  be  widely  separated  under  the  old  alphabetical  method. 

But  it  is  in  the  scope  and  scheme  and  general  nature  of  the  work,  rather  than  in  its  form,  that 
this  Cyclopedia  certainly  gives  promise  of  being  one  of  the  most  permanently  valuable  books  of  the 
kind  ever  made.  It  is  entirely  American,  and  has  been  constructed  with  the  idea  of  preserving, 
only  such  lives  as  are  of  real  value  to  the  country  and  to  the  reader  for  study  and  contemplation. 
The  old  standbys,  who  turn  up  in  every  biographical  dictionary  with  unfailing  regularity,  although 
most  of  them  have  long  since  been  forgotten,  seem  to  find  no  place  in  this  work.  Moreover,  large 
space  is  given  to  living  people  who  have  become,  or  are  likely  to  become  personages  eminent  or 
prominent  on  account  of  their  services  to  the  country,  in  the  professions,  in  mercantile  business,  in 
commerce,  or  in  some  other  way.  The  theory  of  the  new  Cyclopedia,  as  set  forth  in  its  introduction 
and  as  presented  in  its  text,  is,  that  such  a  work  should  present  lives  of  those  who  are  builders  and 
makers  of  the  country,  without  regard  to  the  fact  of  their  being,  or  not  being,  in  exalted  public  sta 
tion,  or  otherwise  held  up  before  the  world  as  prominent.  Of  course,  being  formed  under  this 
method,  this  Cyclopedia  becomes  also  a  history  of  the  country  in  so  far  as  it  goes,  and  this  being 
aided  by  the  system  of  grouping  as  applied  to  historical  events  or  the  progress  of  industry,  as  in  the 
case  of  invention  or  construction  of  railroads,  naval  vessels,  the  telegraph,  and  the  case  of  the  great 
industries,  of  agriculture,  manufactures,  etc.,  and  further  facilitated  bv  an  artistic  and  instructive 
of  illustrations,  including  not  only  portraits,  but  scenes  and  public  buildings,  the  whole  design 
Ixvoni"-;,  as  alreadv  said,  something  entirely  original,  and,  moreover,  something  that  should  prove 
imni'  Jately  valuable  and  instructive. 

s  to  the  mechanical  construction  of  the  book,  nothing  can  be  finer.  It  is  beautifully  printed 
ivy  paper,  the  illustrations  are  artistic  in  design,  and  executed  admirably.  The  index  is  ar 
ranged  on  an  excellent  plan,  with  typography  varied  in  such  a  way  as  to  facilitate  its  examination 
and  for  research  in  the  volume  itself.  Altogether  it  is  only  just  to  say  that  this  work,  judging  from 
its  first  volume,  is  to  be  considered  as  a  credit  to  all  those  concerned  in  its  production,  and  especially 
to  the  liberality,  as  well  us  taste,  of  the  Publishing  House,  which,  at  what  must  have  been  enormous 
cost,  has  so  successfully  carried  out  its  design. 


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